Employing implicit and explicit prejudice measures to test the aversive racism and the modern racism effects

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leanne S. Son Hing ◽  
Greg A. Chung-Yan ◽  
Leah K. Hamilton ◽  
Mark P. Zanna
2004 ◽  
pp. 274-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leanne S. Son Hing ◽  
Greg A. Chung-Yan ◽  
Robert Grunfeld ◽  
Lori K. Robichaud ◽  
Mark P. Zanna

2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Keith Payne ◽  
Jon A. Krosnick ◽  
Josh Pasek ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Omair Akhtar ◽  
...  

2000 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Brauer ◽  
Wolfgang Wasel ◽  
Paula Niedenthal

Research on implicit and explicit prejudice has treated implicit prejudice as a unitary construct characterized by automatic access to negative concepts. The present article makes the case that tasks purported to measure implicit prejudice actually assess 2 different processes. Some assess the extent to which prejudice is activated automatically on the perception of a member of the target group. Other implicit tasks assess the extent to which prejudice is automatically applied in judgment. In the reported study, participants completed 4 implicit and 2 explicit measures of prejudice against women. Factor analysis yielded a 3-factor solution. The solution provides support for the distinction between explicit prejudice and 2 types of implicit prejudice corresponding to automatic activation and automatic application of prejudice. Prejudice appears to be a multifaceted construct, different aspects of which are measured by different tasks.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hui Bai

Recent studies show that explicit prejudice is related to explicit support for conservative and opposition for liberal politicians, regardless of their demographics such as race and gender. However, it remains unclear how prejudice is associated with evaluation of candidates on the implicit domain. Furthermore, prior theories assume that these associations exist because of the politicians’ preferences for inequality and status quo, but these assumptions have never been empirically tested. Four pre-registered experiments clarify that politicians’ ideology, not race or gender, determines the association between prejudice and explicit evaluation of politicians, regardless of whether prejudice is measured explicitly or implicitly. These preferences are primarily driven by citizens’ preferences for politicians who support inequality, and to a lesser extent, preferences for those who support the status quo. Together, these findings clarify the political consequences of racism and sexism and further our understanding of the psychological function of prejudice.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 732-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Legault ◽  
Isabelle Green-Demers ◽  
Protius Grant ◽  
Joyce Chung

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Maša Pavlović ◽  
Danka Purić

This study explores the relationship between “Big Five” personality dimensions and implicit prejudice towards two groups: (1) homosexuals and (2) elderly people. We employed the NEO PI-R personality inventory to register basic personality dimensions, the Implicit Association Test (IAT) to measure implicit prejudice, and a semantic differential and the Fraboni scale to assess explicit prejudice. Results of the correlation and multiple regression analyses indicated that implicit prejudice toward homosexuals was related to Openness to Experience, while implicit ageism was related to Agreeableness. More precisely, people who obtained lower scores on these personality dimensions were more likely to hold implicit prejudice towards members of these stigmatized groups. We demonstrated that the relationship between personality and implicit prejudice could not be reduced to the relationship of personality traits with the explicit measures of prejudice. We compared these findings with the previously obtained pattern of results for explicit prejudice measures and discussed their implications for a theoretical distinction between implicit and explicit prejudice constructs.


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