scholarly journals Struggles experienced by religious minority families in the United States.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loren D. Marks ◽  
David C. Dollahite ◽  
Kaity Pearl Young
Islam ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Nadia Marzouki

The 2004 French law that prohibits wearing conspicuous religious symbols in public schools provoked much perplexity and even indignation in the United States. The law appeared to go entirely against the American definition of religious freedom as a fundamental individual right and the principle of its free exercise as guaranteed by the First Amendment of the Constitution. The questions and moralizing multiplied: What right had the French state to intervene in the regulation of religious practices? Why did the French have the mischievous obsession of always instituting new laws to settle the least little problem? Did young Muslim women really need to be protected by the republic? But France is hardly the only target of America’s wrath. Several countries are regularly denounced for their intolerance toward this or that religious minority: Why do the Germans refuse to recognize Scientology as a religion? Why do Italians oppose the construction of mosques? Why are the Belgians afraid of a few burkas? One institution in particular has for many years played an essential role in the construction of this narrative that places an exceptional America—champion of religious freedom—in opposition to an aging Europe that is increasingly insular, intolerant, and racist. The United States Commission for International Religious Freedom is an independent, bipartisan group created by the federal government in 1998 to make recommendations to the U.S. State Department about the condition of religious liberties around the world. Based in Washington, D.C., ...


2020 ◽  
pp. 29-41

This chapter discusses the issue on religious liberty that drove Joseph Smith into the 1844 presidential election. It explains how Joseph Smith wrapped his call for a federal government that is empowered to protect the citizenship rights of religious minority groups in a seven-point platform aimed at sweeping political and social reform. It also describes how Joseph Smith advocated for the reestablishment of the national bank, the end of the burgeoning penitentiary system, the territorial expansion of the United States throughout North America, and the abolition of slavery. The chapter investigates how newspapers focused on Joseph Smith as a leader of a rising religious group that deemed to be fanatical by mainstream Protestants. It discusses the ecclesiastical position of Joseph Smith's presidential candidacy that might influence the way the American public viewed him.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt A. Barreto ◽  
Dino N. Bozonelos

AbstractThe role of religiosity as an important predictor of partisan identification has been well researched over the years, with most of our understanding of religion focused on Christianity. However, it is not clear that religiosity operates equally for the partisan identification of non-Christian religious groups. One of the most discussed religious minority groups in the United States today is Muslim-Americans. Numbering between 2.3 million and 7 million, Muslim-Americans have been the focus of considerable debate regarding religion and American political inclusion. We argue that religiosity does influence Muslim-American party identification, however not in the same manner as with other groups. While the two major political parties encourage religiosity among Protestants, Jews, and Catholics, they are either silent or opposed to religiosity among Muslims within their parties. Thus, religiosity among Muslim-Americans may not necessarily lead to partisan identification with either Republicans or Democrats. Rather, high levels of religiosity, coupled with perceptions of discrimination against Muslims, may lead many to oppose both major political parties and instead identify with “none of the above.” This is not to say that Muslim-Americans reject civic engagement or political participation in the United States, but rather the two political parties have not carved out a space to welcome Islam, as they have for Christianity and Judaism. We examine new data from the 2007 Muslim-American Public Opinion Survey to assess the predictors of partisan identification among Muslims in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 296-302
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Ali Zaidi

This article is about the nexus of Shi'ia doctrine with academia which will justify its positive role for US society. We see that Shi'ia Diaspora has sought the attention of international scholars towards the part of Shi'ism in the twentieth century as previously not much work has been done on this topic. Still, in upcoming years many renowned scholars have put in their effort and interest in Shi'ism, many are from the US, and numerous universities have started working on Shi'ism and what role it impacts on a country's society, politics and economy. Harvard University has also established Weather head centre for international affairs which is engaged in a project named "Project on Shi'ism and Global Affairs". The importance of this area can be analyzed by this initiative of Harvard University which is one of the world's top-ranking Institute of the contemporary era.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Pasek ◽  
Jonathan E. Cook

Little is known about social identity threat from religion or religiosity. We collected data from a diverse sample of Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and Muslims across the United States ( N = 970) to test whether, and for whom, religion and religiosity, like other social identities, can be consequential sources of identity threat. Results suggest that religious threat is highest among religious minority groups (Muslims and Jews) and highly religious Protestants. Threat predicted (1) lower belonging, (2) a greater propensity to conceal one’s religion, and (3) more intergroup bias, although these patterns varied somewhat by religion. Results illuminate how a broader social climate in which religion and specific religious groups are often the subject of heated rhetoric may trigger identity threat and exacerbate intergroup hostilities.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-260
Author(s):  
Ahmad Yousif

In this book, Haddad and Lurrunis present a scientific analysis of thesocial and religious values of the Muslim community in North America.The book probes into this community's psyche in an effort to detenninehow its members, as a religious minority, cope or fail to cope with particulartenets of their religion while living in a non-Islamic environment.A number of problems and issues are encountered by this minority: marriage,divorce, interest, diet, pets, American holidays, and the roles of themasque and the imam. The authors attempt to determine the existence ofcorrelations between such variables as length of time in the United States,the extent of dining with non-Muslims, gender, country of origin, and thesubject's response to different values. The data was collected ftom numerousinterviews and over three hundred questionnaires at Islamic tenterson the east coast, upstate New York, and the midwest.'Despite acknowledging the controversy surrounding the term "AmericanIslam," the authors conclude that this phenomenon does exist in morethan one form, depending on nationality, ethnic affiliation, level ofeducation, economic status, and other factors. The findings also show thatthere are two dynamic, but opposing, scenarios occurring among Muslimsin the United States ...


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