Concern Over Loss of Third-Party Support Scale

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Levi Adelman ◽  
Bernhard Leidner ◽  
Helin Ünal ◽  
Eman Nahhas ◽  
Nurit Shnabel
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272199322
Author(s):  
R. Joseph Huddleston

This paper investigates how violence in self-determination conflicts influences bilateral foreign policy. I argue that a general preference for international stability causes third parties to support self-determination groups when violence reaches high levels, when they gain territorial control, and when major powers officially recognize. In these conditions, third parties perceive a stable new status quo to be nigh: unrecognized statehood. Ongoing instability encourages foreign policy that encourages the development of the de facto state, even when third parties have no intention of recognizing them as states. Importantly, I also show that targeting civilians erodes third-party support of the perpetrating side. I demonstrate these relationships using a latent variable model of international sovereignty of aspiring states, built on bilateral military, diplomatic, and economic exchange data. My model and tests provide new insight into how aspiring state actors become increasingly eligible for recognition through the tacit support of third-party states.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Slez

While quantitative methods are routinely used to examine historical materials, critics take issue with the use of global regression models that attach a single parameter to each predictor, thereby ignoring the effects of time and space, which together define the context in which historical events unfold. This problem can be addressed by allowing for parameter heterogeneity, as highlighted by the proliferation of work on the use of time-varying parameter models. In this paper, I show how this approach can be extended to the case of spatial data using spatially-varying coefficient models, with an eye toward the study of electoral politics, where the use of spatial data is especially common in historical settings. Toward this end, I revisit a critical case in the field of quantitative history: the rise of electoral Populism in the American West in the period between 1890 and 1896. Upending popular narratives about the correlates of third- party support in the late nineteenth century, I show that the association between third- party vote share and traditional predictors such as economic hardship and ethnic composition varied considerably from one place to the next, giving rise to distinct varieties of electoral Populism—a finding that is missed by global models, which mistake the mathematically particular for the historically general. These findings have important theoretical and empirical implications for the study of political action in a world where parameter heterogeneity is increasingly recognized as a standard feature of modern social science.


Author(s):  
Ruth McAreavey

This chapter uses migrants’ experiences of poverty in Northern Ireland to consider the way in which poverty is experienced across transnational boundaries. The research draws from empirical data from Northern Ireland, a place which until relatively recently experienced little in-migration. It begins by considering the meaning of poverty and how it is understood transnationally i.e. across national boundaries. The chapter proceeds by showing how migrants shift their framing of poverty according to different circumstances. Poverty is also shown to bring with it physical and emotional vulnerabilities and can cause anxiety, indignity and insecurity for the individuals involved. Finally, the chapter highlights the importance of third party support from the sending or receiving society for overcoming the consequences of poverty.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVE CHARNOVITZ ◽  
LORAND BARTELS ◽  
ROBERT HOWSE ◽  
JANE BRADLEY ◽  
JOOST PAUWELYN ◽  
...  

CHARNOVITZ: The Appellate Body's decision in the Tariff Preferences case demonstrates the value of a second-level review of panel decisions. Notwithstanding the composition of the panel – which was as highly qualified, balanced, and diverse as any panel could possibly be – the panel issued a decision that met widespread disapproval. In what is probably a record for third-party support of the plaintiff, eight countries asked the Appellate Body to reverse key points. Happily, the Appellate Body did reverse many of the troubling holdings in the panel report. Unhappily for the world community, the Appellate Body did not have an opportunity to review the panel's interpretation of GATT Article XX, which (like many previous panels) has chiseled away at vital exceptions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 189-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Ropers

The international community has played an increasingly important role in the settlement and prevention of violent political conflicts in the last two decades. One of the key tools in this effort has been the provision of third party support mainly in the form of mediation by outside parties with some kind of impartiality or ‘multi-partiality’ for resolution of international as well as sub-national conflicts. In Asia, a continent with a high level of unresolved, frozen and latent conflicts, and where there is lack of effective regional infrastructures for conflict management and resolution, outside efforts been rather limited. Instead, the discourses on improving security have emphasized especially the contribution of actors inside the respective countries and also the importance of a culturally and politically sensitive ‘Asian approach’ to mediation. This observation is discussed with respect to three examples: ( a) ASEAN’s diplomatic and security culture; ( b) the role of the ‘national facilitators’ in Nepal; and ( c) a group of peace activists who have formed an ‘Insider Peace builders Platform’ to resolve the conflict in the deep south of Thailand. The examples demonstrate that there is a promising development of political and social activists who can play critical roles in the transformation of violent conflicts, but these efforts need to be more systematically broadened and deepened to create an effective infrastructure for peace support in the region.


1989 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Gary Zuk
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
pp. 75-96
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Euel W. Elliott ◽  
William Mishler ◽  
Marianne C. Stewart ◽  
Paul F. Whiteley ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Leithner

AbstractThis article tests hypotheses about the electoral support of Canada's first—and perhaps most significant—third party. It demonstrates that two micro-economic concepts, price elasticity of demand and efficiency of production, describe accurately the material base of Progressive party support. It thereby subsumes the study of agrarian parties and voting behaviour within a more general (public choice) framework. It also clarifies and substantiates important elements of the conventional wisdom about Progressive support, and it suggests means which might also shed new light upon the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation and Social Credit.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document