Unravelling the complexities of poverty in Northern Ireland, a new immigration destination

2019 ◽  
pp. 211-228
Author(s):  
Ruth McAreavey
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Third Party ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Way

This chapter uses migrants’ experiences of poverty in Northern Ireland to consider the way in which poverty is experienced across transnational boundaries. The research draws from empirical data from Northern Ireland, a place which until relatively recently experienced little in-migration. It begins by considering the meaning of poverty and how it is understood transnationally i.e. across national boundaries. The chapter proceeds by showing how migrants shift their framing of poverty according to different circumstances. Poverty is also shown to bring with it physical and emotional vulnerabilities and can cause anxiety, indignity and insecurity for the individuals involved. Finally, the chapter highlights the importance of third party support from the sending or receiving society for overcoming the consequences of poverty.

Foulweather Friends: Violence and Third Party Support in Self-Determination Conflicts

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272199322
Author(s):  
R. Joseph Huddleston
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latent Variable ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Variable Model ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
International Stability ◽  
General Preference ◽  
Party Support

This paper investigates how violence in self-determination conflicts influences bilateral foreign policy. I argue that a general preference for international stability causes third parties to support self-determination groups when violence reaches high levels, when they gain territorial control, and when major powers officially recognize. In these conditions, third parties perceive a stable new status quo to be nigh: unrecognized statehood. Ongoing instability encourages foreign policy that encourages the development of the de facto state, even when third parties have no intention of recognizing them as states. Importantly, I also show that targeting civilians erodes third-party support of the perpetrating side. I demonstrate these relationships using a latent variable model of international sovereignty of aspiring states, built on bilateral military, diplomatic, and economic exchange data. My model and tests provide new insight into how aspiring state actors become increasingly eligible for recognition through the tacit support of third-party states.

The exit option: mediation and the termination of negotiations in the Northern Ireland conflict

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niall O´ Dochartaigh ◽  
Isak Svensson
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Third Party ◽  
British Government ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Irish Republican Army ◽  
Northern Ireland Conflict ◽  
Exit Option ◽  
Information Advantage ◽  
The Uk

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the mediation exit option, which is one of the most important tactics available to any third party mediator.Design/methodology/approachThe paper analyzes a crucial intermediary channel between the Irish Republican Army (hereafter IRA) and the British Government utilizing unique material from the private papers of the intermediary, Brendan Duddy, including diaries that cover periods of intensive communication, extensive interviews with the intermediary and with participants in this communication on both the British Government and Irish Republican sides as well as recently released official papers from the UK National Archives relating to this communication.FindingsThe study reveals how the intermediary channel was used in order to get information, how the third party and the primary parties traded in asymmetries of information, and how the intermediary utilized the information advantage to increase the credibility of his threats of termination.Research limitations/implicationsThe study outlines an avenue for further research on the termination dynamics of mediation.Practical implicationsUnderstanding the conditions for successfully using the exit‐option is vital for policy‐makers, in particular for peace diplomacy efforts in other contexts than the Northern Ireland one.Originality/valueThe paper challenges previous explanations for why threats by mediators to call off further mediation attempts are successful and argues that a mediator can use the parties' informational dependency on him in order to increase his leverage and push the parties towards settlement.

On Treating Oneself and Others as Thermometers

Episteme ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger White
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
Belief States ◽  
The Way

ABSTRACTI treat you as a thermometer when I use your belief states as more or less reliable indicators of the facts. Should I treat myself in a parallel way? Should I think of the outputs of my faculties and yours as like the readings of two thermometers the way a third party would? I explore some of the difficulties in answering these questions. If I am to treat myself as well as others as thermometers in this way, it would appear that I cannot reasonably trust my own convictions over yours unless I have antecedent reason to suppose that I am more likely than you to get things right. I appeal to some probabilistic considerations to suggest that our predicament as thermometers might not actually be as bad as it seems.

scholarly journals Situating Politics: Spatial Heterogeneity and the Study of Political History

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Slez
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Data ◽  
Quantitative Methods ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Use Of Time ◽  
Parameter Heterogeneity ◽  
Global Regression ◽  
Party Support

While quantitative methods are routinely used to examine historical materials, critics take issue with the use of global regression models that attach a single parameter to each predictor, thereby ignoring the effects of time and space, which together define the context in which historical events unfold. This problem can be addressed by allowing for parameter heterogeneity, as highlighted by the proliferation of work on the use of time-varying parameter models. In this paper, I show how this approach can be extended to the case of spatial data using spatially-varying coefficient models, with an eye toward the study of electoral politics, where the use of spatial data is especially common in historical settings. Toward this end, I revisit a critical case in the field of quantitative history: the rise of electoral Populism in the American West in the period between 1890 and 1896. Upending popular narratives about the correlates of third- party support in the late nineteenth century, I show that the association between third- party vote share and traditional predictors such as economic hardship and ethnic composition varied considerably from one place to the next, giving rise to distinct varieties of electoral Populism—a finding that is missed by global models, which mistake the mathematically particular for the historically general. These findings have important theoretical and empirical implications for the study of political action in a world where parameter heterogeneity is increasingly recognized as a standard feature of modern social science.

scholarly journals The Material Value of Flags: Politics and Space in Northern Ireland

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-91
Author(s):  
Dominic Bryan
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Public Places ◽  
Political Identities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civic Spaces ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Way

This article examines the way in which the availability of cheaply produced polyester flags has changed the symbolic landscape in the public places of Northern Ireland. The “tradition” of flying flags to express identity is common throughout the world and an important feature of an annual marking of residential and civic spaces in Northern Ireland. Such displays have been a consistent part of the reproduction of political identities through commemoration and the marking of territory. However, the availability of cheaply produced textiles has led to a change in the way the displays take place, the development of a range of new designs and helped sustain the control of areas by particular paramilitary groups. It highlights how the “symbolic capital” of the national flags can be used by different social groups having implication on the status and value of the symbol.

scholarly journals "I Know Where You Live!" – Aspects of Watching, Surveillance and Social Control in a Conflict Zone (Northern Ireland)

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Zurawski
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Cultural Contexts ◽  
Conflict Zone ◽  
The Way

This article examines the special role of non-technological, everyday surveillance in Northern Ireland, and its meaning for life in the conflict laden province. It looks at the dimensions of people watching other people and how it is that the culture of conflict, which undoubtedly still exists in Northern Ireland, also produces a culture of surveillance. This culture then affects the way in which other forms of surveillance are viewed: with the introduction of CCTV into Northern Ireland, it becomes clear that many issues connected to this technology differ in comparison to other locations and cultural contexts, particularly with regard to issues of trust

scholarly journals Compliance Bargaining Mechanism as The Way to Ended Iran-Iraq War 1988

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aditya Maulana Hasymi
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Loss Of Life ◽  
The Third ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Way

<p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Isu-isu terkait budaya, ekonomi, dan nilai seringkali menghasilkan konflik. Tak terkecuali dengan isu perebutan wilayah. Salahsatu perang terbesar yang terkait dengan isu sengketa wilayah adalah perang Iran-Irak 1988. Perang Iran-Irak 1988 membawa sejarah besar dari kedua negara yang saling berhubungan dengan isu perebutan wilayah, perebutan pengaruh ideologi, dan isu ekonomi. Perang yang berlangsung cukup lama ini membuat Iran dan Irak menyadari akan kerugian jangka panjang yang dialami. Pada akhirnya, kedua negara sepakat untuk berdamai dalam sebuah proses yang melibatkan pihak ketiga. Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengambil peran sebagai pihak ketiga yang membantu penyelesaian perang antara Iran dan Irak. Resolusi no.598 yang disusun oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengarisbawahi akan pentingnya gencatan senjata dengan banyaknya kerugian dan korban jiwa yang muncul. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa upaya Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa menyusun resolusi no.598 dalam menyelesaikan perang Iran-Irak adalah penerapan dari mekanisme compliance bargaining pada proses resolusi konflik.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci:</strong> compliance bargaining, resolusi konflik, rezim, gencatan senjata</p><p> </p><p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Conflictual issues can be about economy, culture and values, or even a border dispute. The class cannot be avoided because of several issues triggering the conflict and also several interests. One of the bigger wars that can be was the Iran-Iraq War at 1980-1988. This war brought the long history between both of those countries, which were related with border disputes, ideological influences, and economic war. Those of both countries is thinking that if the war is still being run, it is not giving any good advantage. The damage was so big. So, it required a process to bring the two states involved war into one meeting to talk about peace or end the war. The process is called a peace process. In this case, the peace process arranged by the involvement of third party. The United Nations take a role as the third party in Iran-Iraq War by formed a Resolution no 598. In the resolution the council expressed its concern that, despite its calls for ceasefire, the conflict between Iran and Iraq continued with heavy loss of life and material destruction. The Iran-Iraq war was ended through the resolution no 598 that was produced by the United Nations. Furthermore, this paper argue that the way of the United Nations ended the Iran-Iraq war through Resolution no 598 is implementing the theory of compliance bargaining in conflict resolution.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: compliance bargaining, conflict resolution, regime, ceasefire</p>

Concern Over Loss of Third-Party Support Scale

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Levi Adelman ◽  
Bernhard Leidner ◽  
Helin Ünal ◽  
Eman Nahhas ◽  
Nurit Shnabel
Keyword(s):  
Third Party ◽  
Party Support
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