How defendants’ legal status and ethnicity and participants’ political orientation relate to death penalty sentencing decisions.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio J. Alvarez ◽  
Monica K. Miller
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melinda Wolbransky ◽  
Michael E. Keesler ◽  
Pamela Laughon ◽  
David DeMatteo

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-522
Author(s):  
Megan C Kurlychek

New York State is one of only two states in the nation that processes all 16- and 17-year-old defendants as adults. Contrary to this seemingly punitive stance, the state also maintains a Youthful Offender Statute that requires mitigated punishments for youths up to their 19th birthday upon court designation of youthful offender status. This study empirically examines the individual and combined impact of the social status of being a “minor” and the legally awarded status of being designated a youthful offender, upon adult court sentencing decisions framing the discussion within broader conceptualizations of youthfulness, culpability, and punishment. Utilizing a population of all youths ages 16–21 whose cases were disposed in New York between 2000 and 2006, this study finds the legally defined status of youthful offender to provide much greater mitigation at sentencing than the more general social status of being a minor. Findings are discussed as they relate to categorical and individualized assessments of culpability. In addition, as the study finds individualized assessments of culpability to be related to factors such as gender and race, broader implications for the role of court assigned statuses and mitigation of punishment are offered.


Author(s):  
Yudu Li ◽  
Dennis Longmire ◽  
Hong Lu

In theory, sentencing decisions should be driven by legal factors, not extra-legal factors. However, some empirical research on the death penalty in the United States shows significant relationships between offender and victim characteristics and death sentence decisions. Despite the fact that China frequently imposes death sentences, few studies have examined these sanctions to see if similar correlations occur in China’s capital cases. Using data from published court cases in China involving three violent crimes—homicide, robbery, and intentional assault—this study examines the net impact of offender’s gender, race, and victim–offender relationship on death sentence decisions in China. Our overall multiple regression results indicate that, after controlling for other legal and extra-legal variables, an offender’s gender, race, and victim–offender relationship did not produce similar results in China when compared with those in the United States. In contrast, it is the legal factors that played the most significant role in influencing the death penalty decisions. The article concludes with explanations and speculations on the unique social, cultural, and legal conditions in China that may have contributed to these correlations.


Author(s):  
Виктор Мельник

Смена военно-политической принадлежности, часто практиковавшаяся в войне 541-552 гг., не выходила за рамки общепринятого политического процесса (учитывая провинциальный статус Италии в Византии, речь шла о процессе внутриполитическом). Знатью и солдатами руководила, прежде всего, жажда сохранить жизнь и занимаемое экономическое положение. Они не приносили присягу заново и не считались новобранцами. Они просто меняли политическую ориентацию, но не юридическую принадлежность. Эта тонкая грань, анализируемая в данной статье, хорошо видна в контексте второй итальянской военной кампании 541-552 гг., которую мы характеризуем как «борьбу Восточной Римской империи за право владения провинцией Италия». В любом случае, война 541-552 гг., по своему правовому положению, была гражданской войной внутри Римской империи, которая развивалась по типичной формуле «преступления и наказания». Сначала был факт неповиновения императорской власти, а затем последовало наказание и применение силы. Нарушение закона повлекло за собой санкцию государственного аппарата. Статья опровергает суверенный статус Остготской Италии в рассматриваемый период. Ключевые слова: Восточная Римская империя (Византия), личная собственность императора, византийская Италия, Юстиниан Великий, король Тотила, полководец Нарсес, правовой статус гражданской войны. THE STRUGGLE OF BYZANTIUM FOR THE RIGHT TO OWN ITALY: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WAR IN 541-552 AD The change of military-political affiliation often practiced in the war of 541-552 AD, did not go beyond the generally accepted political process (given the provincial status of Italy in Byzantium, it was a domestic political process). The noblemen and soldiers were led, first of all, by a thirst to preserve life and economic position. They did not take the oath again and were not considered recruits. They simply changed their political orientation, but not their legal affiliation. This fine line, analyzed in this article, is visible in the context of the second Italian military campaign of 541-552 AD, which we characterize as the “struggle of the Eastern Roman Empire for the right to own the province of Italy”. In any case, the war of 541-552 AD, according to its legal status, was a civil war within the Roman Empire, which developed according to the typical formula of “crime and punishment”. At first, there was a fact of disobedience to imperial power, and then the punishment and the use of force followed. Violation of the law entailed the sanction of the state apparatus. The article refutes the sovereign status of Ostrogoth Italy in the period under review. Keywords: Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium), Personal Property of the Emperor, Byzantine Italy, Justinian the Great, King Totila (Badulla), Commander Narses.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel D. Lieberman ◽  
Jared Shoemaker ◽  
Daniel A. Krauss

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam Younan ◽  
Kristy A. Martire

With the use of expert evidence increasing in civil and criminal trials, there is concern jurors' decisions are affected by factors that are irrelevant to the quality of the expert opinion. Past research suggests that the likeability of an expert significantly affects juror attributions of credibility and merit. However, we know little about the effects of expert likeability when detailed information about expertise is provided. Two studies examined the effect of an expert's likeability on the persuasiveness judgments and sentencing decisions of 456 jury-eligible respondents. Participants viewed and/or read an expert's testimony (lower vs. higher quality) before rating expert persuasiveness (via credibility, value, and weight), and making a sentencing decision in a Capitol murder case (death penalty vs. life in prison). Lower quality evidence was significantly less persuasive than higher quality evidence. Less likeable experts were also significantly less persuasive than either neutral or more likeable experts. This “penalty” for less likeable experts was observed irrespective of evidence quality. However, only perceptions of the foundational validity of the expert's discipline, the expert's trustworthiness and the clarity and conservativeness of the expert opinion significantly predicted sentencing decisions. Thus, the present study demonstrates that while likeability does influence persuasiveness, it does not necessarily affect sentencing outcomes.


2003 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Schroeder

The death penalty remains alive and well in the United States. Courts in 37 states try defendants who are oftentimes mentally retarded, mentally ill, or suffer from neurological disorders. Social workers are using their skills and expertise to lead mitigation investigations where disability, discrimination, and deprivation in defendant's lives are being woven into the fabric of the penalty phase process. Mitigation investigations yield information about a defendant's life that is then empirically linked with factors identified in the social science literature and presented to juries to guide their focus in making sentencing decisions. Advanced clinical skills and an ecological theoretical approach to interpreting the biopsychosocial realities of the defendant's life are proving to be vital components of capital litigation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 503-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Conley

AbstractBased on ethnographic fieldwork in Texas death penalty trials, this article explores how language helps to make death penalty decisions possible—how specific communicative choices mediate and restrict jurors', attorneys', and judges' actions and experiences while serving and reflecting on capital trials. By analyzing postverdict interviews with jurors, trial language, and written legal language, I examine a variety of communicative practices through which defendants are dehumanized and thus considered deserving of death. This dehumanization is made possible through the physical and linguistic management of distance, which enables jurors to deny empathy with defendants and, in turn, justify their sentencing decisions. In addition, the article probes how jurors' linguistic choices can create distance between themselves and the reality of their decisions, further facilitating death sentences. (Law, empathy, deixis, agency, dehumanization, linguistic distance)*


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zul Fadli

Abstrak: Artikel ini ingin mengetahui orientasi politik Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah melalui peraturan pemerintah (Perpu) No 2 tahun 2017, sebagai pengganti Undang-Undang No 17 Tahun 2013 tentang Organisasi kemasyarakatan. Orientasi politik merupakan sikap yang dimiliki seorang individu maupun kelompok dalam interaksinya dengan kehidupan politik yang meliputi, sikap, nilai dan prilaku politik Pemerintah melalui kementerian hukum dan HAM mencabut status badan hukum organisasi HTI. Pencabutan status badan hukum HTI dilatar belakangi karena idiologi dan aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh HTI bertentangan dengan Pancasila dan negara kesatuan republik Indonesia (NKRI). Sebagai sebuah organisasi sosial-keagamaan keberadaan Hizbut Tahrir sudah berlangsung sejak lama di Indonesia. HTI memiliki struktur anggota, kaderisasi, aktivis, simpatisan yang cukup solid dan konsisten memperjuangkan berdirinya khilafah Islamiyah. Oleh karena itu, ketika organisasi mereka dibubarkan oleh pemerintah, anggota, kader, aktivis, dan simpatisan eks HTI, ke arah manakah orientasi politiknya setelah dibubarkan. Pertanyaan penelitian ini ingin menjawab kemanakah orientasi politik eks Hizbut Tahrir setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah. Tujuannya untuk mengetahui dan membandingkan kearah mana orientasi politiknya dengan gerakan islamis lainnya yang pernah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah pada masa-masa sebelumnya. Kata Kunci: Orientasi Politik, Hizbut Tahrir, Perpu   Abstact: This article explains the political orientation of Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) after it was dissolved by the government through government regulation (Perpu) No. 2 of 2017, substitute ordinance No. 17 of 2013 about Community Organizations. The government through the Ministry of Law and Human Rights revoked the legal status of the HTI organization. The revocation of the legal status of HTI is motivated by the ideology and activities carried out by HTI in conflict with the Pancasila and the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). As a socio-religious organization the existence of Hizbut-Tahrir has been going on for a long time in Indonesia. HTI has a fairly solid member structure, regeneration, activists, sympathizers and, fight for the Islamic Khilafah. Therefore, when their organization was dissolved by the government, members, cadres, activists, and sympathizers of the former HTI, in what direction was their political orientation after it was dissolved. Political orientation is the attitude of an individual or group in their interactions with political life which includes political attitudes, values ​​and, behavior. This research question wants to answer where the political orientation of the former Hizbut-Tahrir was after it was dissolved by the government. The aim is to find out and compare the direction of political orientation with other Islamic movements that have been dissolved by the government in previous periods. Keywords: Political Orientation, Hizbut Tahrir, Government Regulation


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