scholarly journals Orientasi Politik Aktivis Eks Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia Pasca Dibubarkan

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zul Fadli

Abstrak: Artikel ini ingin mengetahui orientasi politik Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah melalui peraturan pemerintah (Perpu) No 2 tahun 2017, sebagai pengganti Undang-Undang No 17 Tahun 2013 tentang Organisasi kemasyarakatan. Orientasi politik merupakan sikap yang dimiliki seorang individu maupun kelompok dalam interaksinya dengan kehidupan politik yang meliputi, sikap, nilai dan prilaku politik Pemerintah melalui kementerian hukum dan HAM mencabut status badan hukum organisasi HTI. Pencabutan status badan hukum HTI dilatar belakangi karena idiologi dan aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh HTI bertentangan dengan Pancasila dan negara kesatuan republik Indonesia (NKRI). Sebagai sebuah organisasi sosial-keagamaan keberadaan Hizbut Tahrir sudah berlangsung sejak lama di Indonesia. HTI memiliki struktur anggota, kaderisasi, aktivis, simpatisan yang cukup solid dan konsisten memperjuangkan berdirinya khilafah Islamiyah. Oleh karena itu, ketika organisasi mereka dibubarkan oleh pemerintah, anggota, kader, aktivis, dan simpatisan eks HTI, ke arah manakah orientasi politiknya setelah dibubarkan. Pertanyaan penelitian ini ingin menjawab kemanakah orientasi politik eks Hizbut Tahrir setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah. Tujuannya untuk mengetahui dan membandingkan kearah mana orientasi politiknya dengan gerakan islamis lainnya yang pernah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah pada masa-masa sebelumnya. Kata Kunci: Orientasi Politik, Hizbut Tahrir, Perpu   Abstact: This article explains the political orientation of Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) after it was dissolved by the government through government regulation (Perpu) No. 2 of 2017, substitute ordinance No. 17 of 2013 about Community Organizations. The government through the Ministry of Law and Human Rights revoked the legal status of the HTI organization. The revocation of the legal status of HTI is motivated by the ideology and activities carried out by HTI in conflict with the Pancasila and the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). As a socio-religious organization the existence of Hizbut-Tahrir has been going on for a long time in Indonesia. HTI has a fairly solid member structure, regeneration, activists, sympathizers and, fight for the Islamic Khilafah. Therefore, when their organization was dissolved by the government, members, cadres, activists, and sympathizers of the former HTI, in what direction was their political orientation after it was dissolved. Political orientation is the attitude of an individual or group in their interactions with political life which includes political attitudes, values ​​and, behavior. This research question wants to answer where the political orientation of the former Hizbut-Tahrir was after it was dissolved by the government. The aim is to find out and compare the direction of political orientation with other Islamic movements that have been dissolved by the government in previous periods. Keywords: Political Orientation, Hizbut Tahrir, Government Regulation

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


Author(s):  
Martin H. Geyer

The years after the signing of the Versailles Peace Treaty on 28 June and the adoption of the Weimar Constitution on 11 August 1919 were dominated by inflation, which culminated in hyperinflation in 1923 and resulted in a currency reform. The republic mastered severe political crises such as the Kapp putsch in 1920, upheavals, and hyperinflation. At the same time, political life remained almost permanently in post-revolutionary crisis mode, suffering from both internal and external uncertainties, including reparations, which played a major role. Between 1919 and 1923, the government changed eight times. In particular, the year 1923 was marked by economic, political, and social states of emergency. After the political revolution in November 1918, inflation proved to be a revolution of a different kind, which contemporaries saw as crisis of the social order, but also as the expression of destructive modernity.


1968 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. O. Idowu

As the oldest and, for a long time, the most important French possession in West Africa, Senegal occupied a privileged position among the French West African colonies. This exceptional status was boosted by the elective institutions conceded to the colony between 1870 and 1880, namely, municipal organization, a conseil général, and deputy representation.In 1870, ‘Senegal’ was no more than a congeries of scattered military posts and trading stations. By far the most important of these establishments were the quatre communes, famous for their special legal status and their privileged inhabitants, made up of the French and the mulattoes, who controlled the political situation, and the Senegalese. By 1870 the colony had acquired some of the important ingredients which could accelerate the growth of political consciousness: a relatively good communications network; growing urban centres; a developing élite, made up largely of traders and agents of the Bordeaux commercial firms who controlled the economic situation; and an administrative regime which had little or no place for unofficial representation.The élite demanded a conseil général which alone, they felt, could protect their interests effectively. The outcome of their agitation was determined by three main factors: their influence; the attitude of the local administration, notorious for its hostility to elective institutions; and political vicissitudes in France. The institutions were conceded in the 1870s; that is, during the first years of the Third Republic, when the policy of assimilation began to be consciously applied in French colonies.The establishment of these institutions widened the gap between the quatre communes, to which the reform was limited, and the rest of Senegal, where the system of indirect rule held sway, and marked the beginning of mutual jealousy and conflict between the two sections. It put Senegal ahead of the rest of French West Africa, which continued until after World War II to be governed in a less liberal fashion. It marked France's first major effort at political assimilation in West Africa, and witnessed the determination of the Bordeaux firms, who had spearheaded the movement for the conseil général, to control not only the economic but also the political life of the colony. And lastly, it helped to create the situation whereby the Senegalese, who had until then been no more than mere pawns on the political chessboard of the French and the mulattoes, emerged, with the advent of Blaise Diagne in 1914, as the politically dominant group in Senegal.


2019 ◽  
pp. 421-438
Author(s):  
م.م.انور اسماعيل خليل

Abstract Since 2003. Iraq has begun a new phase in its modern history, which was after a long period of tyranny, repression of freedom of expression, and women were no better off than men; they suffered marginalization and exclusion, but after the fall of the former regime and the adoption of a parliamentary system of government, The level of participation in the government; where it approved the share of women in the legislative authority called "quota" which reflects the legislative level of a certain proportion of the seats in Parliament, amounting to 25%, and this is approved by the Iraqi constitution for 2005. But it is noticeable that women in parliament did not work within the quota; in other words they belonged to the political parties or blocs, and therefore their decisions were not independent of these parties or blocks and the women serve independently, and did not succeed any attempt to form a unified feminist bloc within Parliament, reflect their political orientation, and on the other hand, the parties to which these women belong did not have a role in leading any of their women electoral lists, as well as the presidency of a party or bloc, and this of course may be due to several reasons, the most important: those values or community Altawilat Which prevent women from taking over Leadership, and other reasons, but it is generally observed that there is inequality in favor of the subsequent phase after 2003. From the previous that there is an escalation towards this political participation in general as well as its share in the seats in parliament, "quota." This has been addressed in the framework of the two studies that are starting from the study because of the existence of a research problem, centered on the following question: Is the woman, has been able to invest the approved percentage of "quota" within the political processThe first topic and the scientific necessity dealt with several issues. First, the concept of political participation, especially the political participation of women, which touched upon several definitions, can give a clear picture of this concept. The second, The participation of women political, in terms of those conventions and international conventions and treaties that approved this participation, and the system of kota, the third topic, has dealt with the politicalparticipation of Iraqi women in the permanent Iraqi constitution in 2005. The second topic dealt with the reality of such participation in the framework of parliament authority after 2003. The conclusion was to answer the research question that was behind the Study


Author(s):  
Tatiana Medvedeva

The purpose of the article is to consider the content of the main changes provided for by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation proposed by the President of the Russian Federation in January 202, regarding regulation of the legal status of the Federation Council. Attention, in particular, is focused on expanding the personnel powers of the upper house of the Russian parliament, as well as changing the formation of the Fe­deration Council. It is substantiated that the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to the improvement of the system of checks and balances, including by strengthening the role of parliament. This goal is also served by securing directly in the Constitution of the Russian Federation the control powers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, which for a long time was regulated solely in sectoral legislation. The article also proposes a solution to the issue of a different approach to the establishment of the term of office of senators from subjects and senators — representatives of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made that the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to strengthening the role of the Federation Council in the political life of the country. Within the framework of this research, we used formal logical (analysis) and comparative legal methods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Ramil Rashitovich Kadyrov ◽  
Victoria Ravilꞌevna Sagitova ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova

The article reveals the main problems related to the Islamic factor in the political life of Uzbekistan. The crucial issue of gaining political identity is the attitude of States to human rights and the Islamic factor. Since the Republic was part of the USSR for a long time, an atheistic paradigm prevailed in political life. The Islamic factor is becoming a key factor in the problem of gaining cultural and national identity in Central Asia, as part of the national elite saw sovereign States under the flag of Islam and Sharia law. The authors note that the independence of States has set their leadership a serious task to preserve the main gains of the social state and the acquisition of religious identity in the lives of citizens of the country. The article shows the experience of harmonious coexistence of different faiths in a region where citizens retain their basic rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
Christie D.F Gumansing

Kebutuhan hukum bisnis dalam hal teknis pembangunan rumah susun semakin meningkat, pembangunan rumah susun yang pada dasarnya diperuntukkan bagi wilayah yang padat penduduk untuk mengakomodir berkurangnnya lahan pemukiman. Tidak adanya penjelasan secara teknis di dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2011 tentang Rumah Susun sehingga mengakibatkan adanya permasalahan hukum yaitu kekosongan norma. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu penelitian hukum yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan sumber bahan hukum primer, sekunder dan tertier. Adapun hasil dalam penelitian ini yaitu: politik perundang-undangan merupakan sebagian dari politik hukum. Politik perundang-undangan berkenaan dengan pembangunan materi hukum, Negara Republik Indonesia telah meletakkan dasar politk hukum agrarian nasional sebagaimana yang dimuat dalam ketentuan Pasal 33 ayat (3) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia. Adapun implikasi hukum akibat belum diterbitkannya Peraturan Pemerintah Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2011 dalah dilema yang dialami oleh para steakholder agar diterbitkan Peraturan Pemerintah sehingga tidak menghambat diterbitkannya peraturan pelaksana selanjtnya dalam pendirian rumah susun.Kata kunci: rumah susun, peraturan pemerintah, steakholder. The need for business law in terms of technical development of flats is increasing, the construction of flats is basically intended for densely populated areas to accommodate the reduction of residential land. There is no technical explanation in Law Number 20 of 2011 concerning Flats, resulting in legal problems, namely the vacuum of norms. The method used in this study is normative juridical legal research using sources of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The results in this study are: the politics of legislation is part of legal politics. The politics of legislation regarding the development of legal material, the State of the Republic of Indonesia has laid the political basis of national agrarian law as contained in the provisions of Article 33 paragraph (3) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The legal implications of the issuance of Government Regulation No. 20 of 2011 are the dilemmas experienced by steakholders so that the Government Regulation is issued so that it does not hinder the issuance of the next implementing regulation in the establishment of flats. Keywords: flats, government regulations, steakholders


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Suharyono Suharyono

Legal assurance to protect the owner of the land title has been the main objectives of the 1997 Government Regulation No. 24. However, in reality, the objectives above cannot be spelled due to the negative publication system of land title registration regulated by the regulation above. The loophole the system has, inter alia, concerns with the actual or the correctness of land site or the physical data of the land.  As a result, a conflict will not be prevented between or amongst the true land deed holder, land rights holder and the third party. If the case is brought before the court, the further consequence is that the verdict will declare the cancelation of or invalidity of the land deed. Then the legal status of the land deed will become uncertain and landowners will lose their rights without getting any protection from the State.  The problem raised in this article regarding the negative system of land registration in the 1997 government regulation no. 24 does not provide legal protection for the landowner who has already land certificate. The results of the study showed that there were two different values of legal certainty and legal protection manifested in the Government Regulation No. 24 of 1997 and those of legal certainty and legal protection as mandated by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.  Therefore it is not superfluous to state that legal certainty and legal protection are intended and regulated by Government Regulation No.24 of 1997 which is in contradictory to the manifested value of legal certainty and legal protection guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Zolla Andre Pramono ◽  
Diana Tantri Cahyaningsih

<p>Abstract<br />This article aims to determine the problematic implementation of adoption in terms of the Government  Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 54 of 2007 concerning the Implementation of the Appointment of Children at the Putra Bakti Orphanage in Batang Regency. This legal research is a type of empirical legal research that is descriptive. The research approach uses a case and legislation approach. The type of data in the form of primary data where the main data comes from the results of empirical research conducted, and secondary data obtained from literature related to research. Based on the results of the study it can be seen that, the implementation of the adoption carried out by the Putra Bakti Orphanage in the Regency of Batang experienced various problems, which in the implementation of adoption were carried out directly without going through court decisions. The reason for the Putra Bakti Orphanage in Batang Regency to appoint children without conducting a court decision is that parents who raise their children want to establish kinship with their biological parents by adopting children because they assume that the appointment of children in a court is complex and the regulations are too complicated. convoluted and requires a lot of money, takes a long time, the orphanage does not provide special costs in the process of implementing adoption, cultural factors that emphasize the appointment of adoption without going through the court and assume that the community is together, lack of socialization and guidance given or carried out by the government and society, this raises a discrepancy with the Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 54 of 2007 concerning the Implementation of Child Appointment which explains that the adoption of the child must be carried out through the court and broken off by the judge.<br />Keywords: Problem; Appointment of Children; Orphanage</p><p>Abstrak<br />Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui problematika pelaksanaan pengangkatan anak ditinjau dari  Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 54 Tahun 2007 tentang Pelaksanaan Pengangkatan Anak di Panti Asuhan Putra Bakti Kabupaten Batang. Penelitian hukum ini merupakan jenis penelitian hukum empiris yang bersifat deskriptif. Pendekatan penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kasus dan perundang-undangan. Jenis data berupa data primer dimana data utama berasal dari hasil penelitian empiris yang dilakukan, serta data sekunder diperoleh dari bahan kepustakaan yang berkaitan dengan penelitian. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui bahwa, pelaksanaan pengangkatan anak yang dilakukan oleh Panti Asuhan Putra Bakti Kabupaten Batang mengalami berbagai problematika, dimana dalam pelaksanaan pengangkatan anak dilakukan secara langsung tanpa melalui putusan pengadilan. Alasan Panti Asuhan Putra Bakti Kabupaten Batang melakukan pengangkatan anak tanpa melakukan penetapan pengadilan adalah orang tua yang mengangkat anak ingin menjalin kekeluargaan dengan orang tua kandung dengan cara melakukan pengangkatan anak karena mereka beranggapan bahwa pengangkatan anak yang dilakukan di pengadilan tergolong rumit serta peraturan tersebut terlalu berbelit-belit dan membutuhkan banyak biaya, membutuhkan waktu yang lama, pihak panti asuhan tidak menyediakan biaya secara khusus dalam proses pelaksanan pengangkatan anak, faktor budaya masyarakat yang mengedepankan pengangkatan anak tanpa melalui pengadilan dan beranggapan bahwa masyarakat bersifat kebersamaan, kurangnya sosialisasi serta bimbingan yang diberikan atau dilakukan oleh pemerintah dan masyarakat, hal tersebut menimbulkan tidak efektifnya Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 54 Tahun 2007 tentang Pelaksanaan Pengangkatan Anak yang menjelaskan bahwa pengangkatan anak harus dilakukan melalui pengadilan dan di putus oleh hakim. <br />Kata Kunci: Problematika; Pengangkatan Anak; Panti Asuhan</p>


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Tyshkevych

The article represents the Ukrainian-language newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate of the early XX century and defines their role in the socio-political life of that time. It should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, only 9 were in Ukrainian. Despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, Ukrainian-language newspapers covered all aspects of Ukrainian life under the rule of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian-language newspapers monitored the development of society and the influenced on the formation of the national consciousness of ethnic Ukrainians. The object of the research is aspects of the political life of Ukrainians on the pages of publications: "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." The mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, but are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the XX century. The purpose of the article is to study the political orientation, the language of publications, and the frequency of Ukrainian-language newspapers in the Kyiv General Governorate in the early XX century. By summing up the role of newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate at the beginning of the XX century, it should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, published in the Volyn Governorate, Kyiv Governorate, Podil Governorate, only 8 were Ukrainian-language. Nevertheless, despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, the newspapers reflected all aspects of Ukrainian life under the control of the Russian Empire. Newspaper publications reflected the life of the Ukrainian community while influencing the formation of the national identity of ethnic Ukrainians [1]. It seems that no issue of Ukrainian national life has escaped their pages. Even the slightest manifestation of the cultural or political life of Ukrainians under the government of the Russian Empire found a response in the pages of publications in "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." Although the mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, they are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine in the early XX century, testify to the growth of national and cultural revival of the Ukrainian people in Russian Ukraine. The study can be applied to prepare students and graduates in the field of Historical Sciences and Culturology. The newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate (Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil Governorate) of the early XX century were researched and systematized by language, circulation, and frequency of publication for the first time. The study can be the basis for further research of the Ukrainian periodicals for the period from 1800 to 1861 of the XIX century.


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