The State Elements of Historical and Practical Politics

Nature ◽  
1890 ◽  
Vol 41 (1053) ◽  
pp. 196-197
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Taufik Zainal Abidin

The high political intervention of the bureaucracy in this case the placement of the state Civil Apparatus (ASN) has an impact on ASN's inneutrality in the elections involved in practical politics. This is because solely to get the position of positions when the candidate he supported was elected as the head of the district. This article aims to analyze the innovation of the open recruitment policy of ASN. The implementation of high Leadership (JPT) (auction) in Indonesia is generally done well in accordance with merit system, namely based on qualifications, competence, and performance in a fair and reasonable manner with no distinction of political background, race, color, religion, origin, sex, marital status, age, or condition of disability. However, this open recruitment system has not yet decided the chain of political intervention against bureaucracy. The results of the JPT recruitment were handed over to the personnel recruitment officers who were in fact held by political officials. Thus, it is difficult to separate political and administrative dichotomy. In addition, there are still weaknesses in this open recruitment, such as expensive costs, restrictions or (demarcation) of prospective participants of the JPT recruitment, and take a long time. Therefore, this policy needs to be reviewed to not only produce the competent ASN, but also free from political intervention.


1906 ◽  
Vol 52 (219) ◽  
pp. 756-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. J. Nolan

The enormous increase in the number of registered lunatics and the correspondingly heavy burden cast on the taxpayers has at length caught on to the attention of the general public. This desirable end has been attained, not so much by the efforts of responsible officials as through the irresponsible editors who cater for the sensationalism which the satiety of modern life so eagerly demands for its renewed gratification. Blue books are peculiarly unattractive and inaccessible to the man in the street, who, however, finds the highly-flavoured information always at hand in the columns of the daily press much more to his taste. Yet his opinion, which, after all, when sound constitutes that most valuable national asset, healthy “public opinion,” is formed on the information so palatably administered and so readily absorbed. From this we learn that the seeds of knowledge carefully saved in special cultivated fields of labour are scattered broadcast in loose and general terms. That they fructify, however, is certain, and it then behoves us to cultivate the harvest of opinion in order that we may turn it to good account in the public weal. We must, however, weed out all accidental stuff, and take care that the golden grain alone is digested by the public. Now, if this new knowledge of the incubus of insanity is to be turned to any good account it would seem that while it still germinates it should be most carefully handled by those best qualified to deal with its useful application: a consensus of skilled professional opinion on a purely professional matter should, if possible, be formulated and submitted to those whose duty it is avowedly to safeguard the national public health. In this consideration the first point which naturally arises is whether or not the prophylaxis of lunacy comes within the purview and scope of practical politics. Such a consideration fortunately admits of little debate, for while one hesitates to place full belief in the specific cure of ills by means of Acts of Parliament, yet it must be thankfully admitted that, in every case where the State interfered in the interest of the public health, much has been done for the arrest of bodily ailments; the insidious rot of chronic disease has been checked, and the violent invasions of epidemic plagues have been circumscribed in area, reduced in intensity, and rendered less harmful in their results. A great practical national benefit has resulted in every instance. But so far as lunacy is concerned, the function of the State has been chiefly confined hitherto to the preservation of the unfit; little has been attempted to stem their increase. The fact is that the problem of dealing with insanity is so vast, so complex, so far-reaching, in all its relations to social and economic life that it is to be feared that no Government, even one with such a heterogeneous majority as that now in power, would tackle it as a matter of choice, and yet the inevitable cannot be always shirked. The enemy is closing in, and, to those who can estimate the extent of the decay of the mental stability of the country, the time is not far distant when the passive tactics of the present defence against lunacy must be changed to a more active crusade. We must not be content to retreat into asylum fortresses-we must shell the enemy in position and shell the position to prevent occupation by the enemy; we must not be content to contend with the cases of occurring insanity, but we must safeguard the coming generations against further disastrous and increasing casualties. We must fight, not only the existing insanity of our own time, but we must safeguard the interests of posterity by legislating for the protection of those who have to carry on the evergrowing “white man's burden.”


AL- ADALAH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-50
Author(s):  
Ahmad Rajafi ◽  
Salma Salma ◽  
Naili Adilah ◽  
Hamhij Hamhij ◽  
Suyatno Ladiqi

This article aims to explore the models of application of Islamic law in Indonesia by the State, ranging from traditional to modern, including aspects of reform. This research found the fact that at the beginning of the entry of Islam to the archipelago, the propagators of Islam had partially applied Islamic law, especially after the establishment of Islamic kingdoms in several areas. However, after the establishment of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the model of applying Islamic law underwent renewal with formalistic, religious-ethics, and convergence models. Unfortunately, in the production stage, the implementation encountered many obstacles because it had to enter the realm of practical politics. Therefore, its development continues to move partially, such as the issuance of the Marriage Law, Zakat, Hajj, and so on, including through material review in the Constitutional Court.


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dunleavy

This article forms part of a longer-term project dealing with the impact of public choice theories in political science. The focus here is on economic models of bureaucracy, which despite their increasing theoretical significance and influence on practical politics have heretofore been little analysed, except by their exponents. I have argued elsewhere that amongst existing public choice accounts there are two seminal works, Antony Downs's pluralist treatment in Inside Bureaucracy and William Niskanen's new right thesis in Bureaucracy and Representative Government. The central innovation of economic approaches is their stress on rational officials' attachment to budget maximization strategies. In Downs's case this is a finite maximand limited by bureaucrats' conservatism and other motivations. But in Niskanen's case budget maximization is an open-ended process, constrained only by external limits on agencies' abilities to push up their budgets. None the less, despite their disparate approaches and conclusions, both these books share four failings common to almost all other public choice work in the field:(1) They operate with vague and ill-defined definitions of bureaucrats' utility functions.(2) They assume that all bureaucracies are hierarchical line agencies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Sukiada

Representation of women in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution in 2009 election reached 20%. Although it has not reached 30% in accordance with the mandate of Law No. 10 of 2008, the representation of women in the Legislative Institution of Jembrana Regency is the highest among the regencies/cities in Bali. When closely examined, the participation of women in the political sphere has deconstructed itself due to a struggle of power and mobilization. Automatically the law that sets the quota of women’s involvement in practical politics is 30%, especially those si ing in the legislative institution can signal a practice of mobilization. Within certain limits, the process of mobilization appears in the election of women legislators, because women are not really interested in practical politics, but are mobilized by the state, political parties and by the closest people such as husbands. The paper aims to explain the election of female legislators in Jembrana Regency Legislative Institution which indicates that there has been a struggle of power between participation and mobilization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 242-252
Author(s):  
Dirk Luyten

Dit artikel schetst een biografisch profiel van Tony Herbert. In het eerste deel wordt Herberts levensloop op hoofdlijnen beschreven. In het tweede deel wordt ingegaan op zijn betekenis voor de geschiedenis van de Vlaams beweging. Die is nauw verbonden met zijn ondernemerschap, van waaruit Herbert een groot deel van zijn politiek engagement gestalte gaf. Kenmerkend zijn, een cultus van de staat, het afwijzen van elke vorm van autonome werkenemersvertegenwoordiging en een sterke belangstelling voor ideologie, die via de pers verspreid wordt. Bekeken vanuit het perspectief van de praktische politiek, was Herberts optreden echter niet bijzonder succesvol.________Entrepreneur between nation and state. Tony Herbert: some historiographical points of reference from a biographical perspective.This article sets out a biographical profile of Tony Herbert. The first part of the article describes the outlines of Herbert’s life. The second part deals with his significance for the history of the Flemish movement. This is closely connected to his entrepreneurship, from which Herbert put a large part of his political commitment into practice. Characteristic aspects are the cult of the state, the rejection of any type of autonomous representation of workers and a clear interest in ideology that is distributed by the press. Viewed from the perspective of practical politics however, Herbert’s performance was not particularly successful.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
oca monica

Preeprint: ABSTRAKPersoalan Politik Praktis ASN tentu melibatkan masyarakat dalam memilih serta menentukan kepala daerahnya merupakan indikator keberhasilan pemilu kepala daerah. Beberapa penyakit yang datang dari setiap pemilihan kepala daerah yaitu dengan adanya money politic yang disebarkan di detik terakhir dalam pilkada. Bahkan dalam beberapa kesempatan juga ditemukan adanya pegawai pemerintah atau yang saat ini disebut Aparatur Sipil Negara (ASN) juga terlibat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah yang secara undang-undang merupakan kesalahan yang bisa berakibat fatal. Keterlibatan Aparatur Sipil Negara (ASN) dalam politik praktis tentunya karena ASN dianggap sebagai cara yang paling mudah untuk memengaruhi masyarakat. Posisi ASN cukup strategis dan dipandang di masyarakat tentunya akan memudahkan calon dalam meraih dukungan dan berharap besar dalam pilkada. Ketidaknetralan ASN tentu menjadi sorotan di tengah harapan masyarakat agar ASN mampu menjadi pilar contoh jalannya demokratisasi jujur dan adil. Hal ini sejalan dengan harapan dari Undang-Undang Aparatur Sipil Negara (UU ASN) nomor 5 tahun 2014. Akan tetapi masih banyak ASN-ASN yang melanggar dari Undang-Undang yang telah di tetapkan sebelumnya. Masih banyak ASN yang melakukan korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme. Kata kunci : politik praktis, ketidaknetralan ASNABSTRACTPractical Political Issues ASN certainly involves the community in selecting and determining the head of the region is an indicator of the success of regional head elections. Some of the diseases that come from each election of the head of the region is with the money politic spread in the last second in the pilkada. Even on several occasions also found the existence of government employees or currently called the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) is also involved in the election of regional heads that are legally a mistake that can be fatal.The involvement of the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) in practical politics is certainly because ASN is considered as the easiest way to influence society. The position of ASN is quite strategic and viewed in the community will certainly facilitate the candidates in gaining support and hoping great in pilkada.The non-neutrality of ASN is certainly in the spotlight in the hope of the community that ASN can be a good example of honest and fair democratization. This is in line with the expectations of the State Civil Apparatus Act (UU ASN) number 5 of 2014. However, there are still many ASN-ASN that violate the Law that has been set previously. There are still many ASNs that do corruption, collusion and nepotism.Keywords: practical politics, ASN uncertainty


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