Teaching Children With Hearing Impairment To Listen and Speak When the Home Language is Not English

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Douglas

Many speech-language pathologists (SLPs), deaf educators, and audiologists (AuDs) are finding themselves serving increasing numbers of children with hearing impairment (HI) who come from families that do not speak English. The majority of these families are likely to select listening and spoken language (LSL) as the primary method of communication for their children. This paper will present issues that need to be considered to support develop of LSL in more than one language for an ever-growing population of children with HI in the United States. Specific areas discussed include bilingual capabilities of some children with hearing loss, achievements of children with HI at a few institutions in North America, determining the language(s) of intervention, understanding current models of intervention, and implementing strategies that facilitate successful multilingual learning.

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 94 (6) ◽  
pp. 952-954
Author(s):  
Martin S. Robinette

The importance of early identification of hearing loss is summarized in the report issued by the United States (US) Department of Health and Human Services,1 entitled "Healthy People 2000." The goal is to reduce the average age at which children with significant hearing impairment are identified to no more than 12 months. The report states: The future of a child born with significant hearing impairment depends to a very large degree on early identification (ie, audiological diagnosis before 12 months of age) followed by immediate and appropriate intervention.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136700692095187
Author(s):  
Stephanie N Welsh ◽  
Erika Hoff

Purpose: The purpose of the present study was to document the out-of-home exposure to English and Spanish experienced by children from Spanish-speaking homes in the United States during the preschool years. Methodology: Primary caregivers of 149 children from Spanish-speaking homes in South Florida reported on their children’s language exposure. Data and analysis: Descriptive statistics and paired-samples t-tests described and compared children’s exposure to English and Spanish outside the home. Multi-level modeling described trajectories of change and the influence of family characteristics on English and Spanish out-of-home exposure. Findings: Children heard more English than Spanish outside of their homes. Grandparents were the primary out-of-home source of exposure to Spanish. Language exposure in preschool and extracurricular activities was primarily English. From 30 to 60 months, English exposure increased, while Spanish exposure decreased. Within this general pattern, there was variability in children’s out-of-home language exposure as a function of parents’ language backgrounds and maternal education. Originality: Studies of bilingual children’s language exposure have focused on home language use. The present study shows that out-of-home experiences are a significant source of exposure to societal language (SL) for children from language minority homes. Implications: For children in immigrant families, the home and family members outside the home are the primary sources of heritage language exposure. Out-of-home language experience is SL-dominant and increasingly so as children get older, although the degree to which this is the case differs depending on parental characteristics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (14) ◽  
pp. 1398-1406
Author(s):  
Babayemi O Olakunde ◽  
Jennifer R Pharr

People with disabilities are an important target population for HIV prevention and treatment programs. In this study, we examined the prevalence of HIV-related risk behaviors and HIV testing among people with visual and/or hearing impairments in the United States, and compared with people without any impairments. The study was a secondary data analysis of the 2016 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System. We performed weighted descriptive statistics and logistic regression analyses to determine the association between ever testing for HIV and sociodemographic characteristics, healthcare access, and HIV-related risk behaviors. The prevalence of HIV-related risk behaviors was 7.1% (95%CI = 5.4–8.8), 3.9% (95%CI = 3.0–4.9), 3.5% (95%CI = 1.5–5.4), and 5.9% (95%CI = 5.7–6.1) among those with visual, hearing, both visual and hearing, and no impairments, respectively. HIV testing among those with visual impairment was 39.7% (95%CI = 37.0–42.3) and 28.9% (95%CI = 27.3–30.5) among those with hearing impairment. Approximately 26.8% (95%CI = 21.4–32.2) of the respondents with both impairments and 38.0% (95%CI = 37.6–38.3) of those with no impairments had ever tested for HIV. In the adjusted models, the factors associated with HIV testing varied across the subgroups, with only age, race/ethnicity, and HIV-related risk behaviors common to all the four subgroups. Compared with those without any impairments, the odds of ever testing for HIV was significantly higher among respondents with hearing impairment (aOR = 1.3, 95%CI = 1.14–1.38), after controlling for sociodemographic characteristics, healthcare access, and HIV-related risk behaviors. Targeted interventions that will meet the unique needs of people with visual and/or hearing impairments are required to reduce HIV-related risk behaviors and improve uptake of HIV testing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nieto ◽  
Annie Nguyen

Abstract Both educators and students in the United States feel the continuous pressure to improve achievement scores as a form of validation for their work and success. However, emerging bilingual (EBs) learners encounter barriers within assessments that break the assumptions of validity, reliability, and fairness and prevent them from demonstrating their true knowledge. This is worsened when assumptions about EBs' academic capacity are extracted from those assessment results. This paper focuses on the use of assessment for and as learning for emerging bilingual (EB) students. Specific attention is given to the use of the students' home language as a resource in evaluating their knowledge and how teachers may address some of the inequitable practices to prepare EBs not only to be successful academically, but to demonstrate it in today's assessment world.


Author(s):  
Marc Marschark ◽  
Harry G. Lang ◽  
John A. Albertini

To understand the complex relations between language and learning, we have to look at both how children learn language and what it is that they learn that allows them to communicate with others. To accomplish this, we need to distinguish between apparent differences in language that are related to the modality of communication and actual differences in language fluencies observed among deaf children. It also will help to examine some relevant differences between deaf children and hearing children. We have already pointed out that the distinction between spoken language and sign language, while a theoretically important one for researchers, is an oversimplification for most practical purposes. It is rare that deaf children are exposed only to spoken language or sign language, even if that is the intention of their parents or teachers. According to 1999 data, approximately 55 percent of deaf children in the United States are formally educated in programs that report either using sign language exclusively (just over 5 percent) or signed and spoken language together (just over 49 percent) (Gallaudet University, Center for Applied Demographic Statistics). Because almost half of all deaf children in the United States are missed in such surveys, however, these numbers only should be taken as approximate. Comparisons of the language abilities of deaf children who primarily use sign language with those who primarily use spoken language represent one of the most popular and potentially informative areas in research relating to language development and academic success. Unfortunately, this area is also one of the most complex. Educational programs emphasizing spoken or sign language often have different educational philosophies and curricula as well as different communication philosophies. Programs may only admit children with particular histories of early intervention, and parents will be drawn to different programs for a variety of reasons. Differences observed between children from any two programs thus might be the result of a number of variables rather than, or in addition to, language modality per se. Even when deaf children are educated in spoken language environments, they often develop systems of gestural communication with their parents (Greenberg et al., 1984).


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Walsh ◽  
Laoise Ní Dhúda

AbstractThis paper examines the experiences and motivations of ‘new speakers’ of Irish in the United States. ‘New speakers’ of Irish refer to those whose first language is not Irish but who use the language regularly and fluently. Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out among Irish speakers in five locations across the United States, the paper begins by describing the language backgrounds of participants. It goes on to analyse their use of Irish and their motivations for learning it and considers the links between practice and ideology. Although Irish heritage and culture are often strong motivating factors for Americans to learn Irish, not all learners are Irish American and only some advance to a level of competence high enough to adopt Irish as family or home language and/or attempt to influence the language ideologies of others. High and active competence is linked to deep personal dedication and is achieved despite significant obstacles facing those who wish to become new speakers of Irish in the United States. This research is part of a broader European project about the practices and ideologies of ‘new speakers’ from a range of languages.


2009 ◽  
Vol 140 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saral Mehra ◽  
Roland D. Eavey ◽  
Donald G. Keamy

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