Policy Making at a European Level

Author(s):  
Caroline Chatwin
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Clifton Judith ◽  
Fuentes Daniel Díaz ◽  
Clara García ◽  
Ana Lara Gómez

In the context of protracted low levels of investment following the 2008 Great Recession and, with the launch of the European Commission’s “Investment Plan for Europe,” scholars have argued a new dimension of European integration may be emerging: a “hidden investment state.” Interlocking institutions through European-level policy making, and increased and innovative loans, are interpreted as a means of setting up a multilevel infrastructure for further investment. This chapter investigates how Spain and its state-owned bank, the Instituto de Crédito Oficial (ICO), has navigated—and responded to—this changing scenario. We map evolving networks, portray ICO’s institutional trajectory, compile financial information on borrowing and loans, and categorize the financial instruments deployed, in order to assess whether ICO is becoming part of this investment state. We find that, whilst the ICO reacted vigorously to the Great Recession, since then, its activities have largely returned to pre-crisis normality. We conclude that developments around a hidden investment state in Spain are modest to date.


Author(s):  
J. Shahin

The European Union (EU) has been one of the leading lights concerning Internet use in dealing with other public administrations and citizens. This article will argue that e-government has meant that the European Commission has been able to promote a virtual arena for pan-European activity, which has promoted action at the national and local levels in the EU. In the first instance, this article will deal with how the European Commission uses the Internet to attempt to improve its own relationship with both national public administrations and citizens in terms of the European policy-making process. Although the Internet is perceived as aiding public administrations in information and service provision, which helps to deliver better governance from an institutional governance perspective, a focus on this would only tell one half of the story. Increasing democratic participation and regaining trust in the political system at large is also an important issue for public bodies such as the European Commission to address, and this is not merely a technical process. These technical (efficiency, etc.) and democratic stages are two key parts in the process of developing an information and communication technology (ICT)-based governance agenda in the EU. In order to outline the process, this article deals with four different aspects of the European Commission’s e-policies. It makes reference to the following: 1. The Commission’s information provision, through the EU’s Europa (II) Web server; 2. The way in which the Commission has tried to interact with citizens, using interactive policy making (IPM); 3. The e Commission initiative; and 4. The way in which the Commission links member-state public administrations together, through the IDA(BC) programme. This article reveals the increasing coherence of the European Commission’s approach to using the Internet in institutional affairs. Although the Commission’s approach to using the Internet for governance was initially unstable and ad hoc, by the turn of the century, all efforts had converged around the political issues of institutional reform and better governance. This has been further enhanced by the application of the open method of coordination as one of the tools of EU governance, which has enabled the Commission to take a more informal role in implementing e-government strategies at the pan-European level. This article does not attempt to define e-government at the European level nor does it go into policy areas concerning e-government (such as research, socioeconomic inclusion, improving competitiveness, or specific e-government policy developed by the European Commission), but will contribute to a greater understanding of how the EU itself has used the Internet to promote an e-government agenda that is affecting all public administrations.


Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio

This chapter examines the relationship between European integration and democracy. The continuous transfer of policy-making powers from European Union (EU) member states to the European level has raised serious concerns about democratic legitimacy. The chapter assesses the claims that European integration undermines national democracy, and that decision-making at the EU level is not sufficiently democratic. It argues that while significant challenges remain, European integration has definitely become more democratic over the years. But there is perhaps a trade-off, with stronger input legitimacy potentially an obstacle to efficient European-level decision-making. It also underlines the multilevel nature of the EU polity and the importance of public debates about European integration.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 290-304
Author(s):  
Mia Latta

The aim is to reflect on some external and internal pressures and rationales at European level that influence the emphases and decision-making when designing equal opportunities policies - both within social partners' and other organisations. The emphasis is to critically analyse some of the potential dangers behind different interpretations of the concept of mainstreaming. Some of these potential pitfalls are best illustrated through analysis of recent (and shortly forthcoming) developments in three chosen example areas in European policy-making: the European Employment Guidelines; the European Works Councils; and the European Commission's forward strategies for equal opportunities (further divided into European Structural Funds and The Fourth Equal Opportunities Programme). The article also highlights the continued need for the positive action approach to equal opportunities between women and men, and the chapter focusing on scrutinising who the decision-makers actually are at European level serves to support this argument.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna-Lena Högenauer

Since the 1980s, the level of activism of regions in European Union policy-making has greatly increased, leading to the emergence of claims that regional governments can and do bypass national government in European negotiations. However, two decades after the emergence of the concept, the debate about the ability of regions to engage successfully in this process of continuous negotiation and to represent their interests on the European stage is ongoing. Due to the scarcity of research looking at regional interest representation in concrete cases of policy-making, it has been difficult to establish to what extent and under which circumstances regions do rely on unmediated channels of interest representation on the European level. This article examines these questions through the activities of seven legislative regions during two negotiations of European Directives, as legislative regions have a wider choice of channels of interest representation. Overall, extensive use of unmediated access in regulatory policy-making is rare and can best be explained with reference to domestic conflict and the level of influence of a region in domestic European policy-making. Differences in the size of a region also influence the ability of a region to represent its interests in the coordination of the national position and at the European level.


1969 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-125
Author(s):  
Hans Pechar

The Bologna Process is the most important recent development in higher education policy at the European level. Initially North America observed this reorganisation of Europe’s higher education architecture with some scepticism and even mild irony – if not outright ignoring it. More recently, however, the obvious success of attempts to create a “European Higher Education Area” has increased the interest on the other side of the Atlantic. This paper provides a short overview of the initial goals of the Bologna Process, the present state of implementation, and of the diffi culties this process faces. I begin by asking to what extent a European level of higher education policy making exists at all and what is its signifi cance.


Author(s):  
Simon Bulmer ◽  
Owen Parker ◽  
Ian Bache ◽  
Stephen George ◽  
Charlotte Burns

This chapter focuses on the so-called organized interests, whose interaction with the formal European Union (EU) institutions is a central component of the EU’s decision-making process. The term ‘interest group’ refers to a range of organizations outside of the formal institutions that seek to influence decision making. They provide a link between state actors and the rest of society, also known as ‘civil society’. The chapter first considers the general growth of interest group activity at the European level before discussing the types of group that try to influence EU policy making and the forms of representation open to interests. It then explores the strategies and tactics that interest groups use to try to influence the different institutions. Finally, it analyses the issue of regulating interest group access to the EU institutions.


1999 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viscount E. Davignon
Keyword(s):  

1999 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-357
Author(s):  
R. F. Kneucker
Keyword(s):  

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 253-276
Author(s):  
Michael G. Huelshoff

The revival of European Union studies has, to date, been guided primarily by intergovernmental theories of regional integration. This essay examines one intergovernmental model of regional integration, namely coalition building between France and Germany. In a case study of EU social policy, it is found that the trajectory of policy-making is not consistent with the predictions of the coalition version of intergovemmentalism. Rather, models of regional integration should pay more attention to the domestic politics of members to better explain their behavior at the European level.


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