Side-streaming gender? The potential and pitfalls of the European ideology on mainstreaming gender issues

2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 290-304
Author(s):  
Mia Latta
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
European Policy ◽  
European Level ◽  
Structural Funds ◽  
Positive Action ◽  
Social Partners ◽  
Internal Pressures

The aim is to reflect on some external and internal pressures and rationales at European level that influence the emphases and decision-making when designing equal opportunities policies - both within social partners' and other organisations. The emphasis is to critically analyse some of the potential dangers behind different interpretations of the concept of mainstreaming. Some of these potential pitfalls are best illustrated through analysis of recent (and shortly forthcoming) developments in three chosen example areas in European policy-making: the European Employment Guidelines; the European Works Councils; and the European Commission's forward strategies for equal opportunities (further divided into European Structural Funds and The Fourth Equal Opportunities Programme). The article also highlights the continued need for the positive action approach to equal opportunities between women and men, and the chapter focusing on scrutinising who the decision-makers actually are at European level serves to support this argument.

scholarly journals All by themselves? Legislative regions and the use of unmediated access to the European level

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna-Lena Högenauer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Regulatory Policy ◽  
European Policy ◽  
European Level ◽  
European Union Policy ◽  
European Directives ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Regional Interest ◽  
Union Policy

Since the 1980s, the level of activism of regions in European Union policy-making has greatly increased, leading to the emergence of claims that regional governments can and do bypass national government in European negotiations. However, two decades after the emergence of the concept, the debate about the ability of regions to engage successfully in this process of continuous negotiation and to represent their interests on the European stage is ongoing. Due to the scarcity of research looking at regional interest representation in concrete cases of policy-making, it has been difficult to establish to what extent and under which circumstances regions do rely on unmediated channels of interest representation on the European level. This article examines these questions through the activities of seven legislative regions during two negotiations of European Directives, as legislative regions have a wider choice of channels of interest representation. Overall, extensive use of unmediated access in regulatory policy-making is rare and can best be explained with reference to domestic conflict and the level of influence of a region in domestic European policy-making. Differences in the size of a region also influence the ability of a region to represent its interests in the coordination of the national position and at the European level.

A Concrete Challenge for Territorial Governance in Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 258-270
Author(s):  
Sara De Martino
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
European Policy ◽  
European Level ◽  
Allocation Process ◽  
National Programmes ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Shed Light

Since 2008, the year of the impact of the financial and economic crisis in Europe, many decisional processes have been subjected to a progressive re-nationalization tendency. The last reforms of EU Cohesion Policy have included some measures—the definition of the plans and the allocation process of the funds through national programmes and the thematic concentration—that are considered the expression of the centralization of powers and competencies that challenge the whole complex system of governance relations in Europe. These centralized trends impacted the territorial governance, the place-based approach to regional development, and the role of regions in policy making itself. This chapter aims to shed light on a specific historical period in which it has been experimented a declining support for territorial approaches in European policy making by presenting a complete definition of concept of territorial governance and by deeply discussing the theoretical framework in which regions have started to activate themselves and to participate to decisional processes at European level.

scholarly journals A Preliminary Analysis on Gender Aspects in Transport Systems and Mobility Services: Presentation of a Survey Design

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 2676
Author(s):  
Miriam Pirra ◽  
Sofia Kalakou ◽  
Angela Carboni ◽  
Mariana Costa ◽  
Marco Diana ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Survey Design ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Transport Systems ◽  
Future Research ◽  
User Mobility ◽  
European Level ◽  
Group Activities ◽  
Transport Analysis ◽  
Gender Aspects ◽  
Operational Aspects

As sustainability is becoming a common practice in planning transport systems and mobility services, the designation and management of gender issues are of paramount importance. TInnGO is a European Project that has developed a network of 10 national Hubs to build the capacity to generate and apply evidence on gender equality and transport issues at the European level. This paper presents the project activities by introducing a relevant framework and exploring user mobility experiences based on gender to identify diversified needs and requirements. This process relies on the combination of a review of current gender-oriented experiences and practices in mobility with focus group activities conducted in four different EU cities. The insights obtained from these activities supported the design of a survey to collect information on socioeconomic, personal, and operational aspects to serve a gender-oriented transport analysis for all the Hubs. These preliminary analyses identified the main issues related to the female mobility experience, namely safety, security, accessibility, and transport reliability. Future research on the data collected through the survey would help operators in successfully improving their mobility offer to women.

When is positive action not positive action? Exploring the conceptual meaning and implications of the tie-break criterion in the UK Equality Act 2010

2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Johns ◽  
Sara MacBride-Stewart ◽  
Martin Powell ◽  
Alison Green
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Support ◽  
Equality Of Opportunity ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Positive Action ◽  
Legal Innovation ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Conceptual Meaning ◽  
Practical Implications

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the claim that the tie-break criterion introduced under the Equality Act 2010 is not really positive action as is claimed by its government sponsors. It evaluates this claim by locating the tie-break into equal opportunities theory, taking into account merit considerations, and reviews its potential implications. Design/methodology/approach – A conceptual discussion of the tie-break. Findings – The paper concludes that the tie-break is not positive action, nor is it positive discrimination. It employs the framework established by Forbes (1991) and attempts to locate it in theoretical discussions of the need to refine merit to take identity characteristics into account. While it could serve to make a more sophisticated approach to merit possible it fails to achieve its implicit potential in this regard. Research limitations/implications – The paper is conceptual and will benefit from empirical support in the future. Practical implications – Practically, the tie-break promises to add some greater clarity to the muddled understanding of equal opportunities and diversity that underpins much policy and legislation. As a result it will arguably prove hard to implement and will carry other associated problems. Social implications – Socially, the tie-break, mis-represented as it currently is, promises to create greater uncertainty around the nature and purposes of equality of opportunity. Consequently, it could exacerbate tensions and hostilities and promote significant resistance to “equality” measures. Originality/value – This paper is an original conceptual piece that will shine a light on an important legal innovation. The tie-break is not what it is described to be and carries both potential and threat for advocates of equality of opportunity. In pursuing socially significant outcomes of this type, conceptual accuracy and transparency are vital, and this paper contributes to this endeavour.

Regional Allocation of Structural Funds in the European Union

10.1068/c21m ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 655-677 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Gil ◽  
Pedro Pascual ◽  
Manuel Rapún
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Distribution Problem ◽  
Structural Funds ◽  
Empirical Procedure ◽  
Real Convergence ◽  
Real Distribution ◽  
Nonlinear Programming Method

Economic disparities among the regions of the European Union are more pronounced than among countries. Structural Funds have played a crucial compensatory role, promoting the economic development and real convergence of lagging regions. The amount of resources destined to regional policy and the conflicts arising from its funding and distribution create the need for an adequate theoretical foundation or model to help politicians solve the distribution problem. In this paper we propose an empirical procedure to carry out and evaluate different distributions of funds for the periods 1989 – 93 and 1994 – 99. We begin with the estimation of an augmented production function to permit the calculation of the expected GDP per capita. We then propose a nonlinear programming method to simulate alternative distributions of Structural Funds among Objective 1 regions, based upon two different approaches: equal development, and equal opportunities. For these two approaches we calculate different possibilities, ranging from highly efficient to highly equitable, with the result that we are able to show the ‘frontier’ of optimal distributions. Finally, we evaluate these results and compare them with the real distribution.

The role of the social partners in the European employment strategy

1999 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foden
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
European Council ◽  
Employment Policy ◽  
European Level ◽  
The Core ◽  
Amsterdam Treaty ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Implementation ◽  
Social Partners

This article considers the part played by the social partners in the development of the European employment strategy over recent months, and in particular their role with reference to the European employment policy guidelines for 1999. The guidelines and national implementation reports are central to the "Luxembourg process" defined in the Employment Title of the Amsterdam Treaty (which has been in force since May 1999, though the Employment Title was largely implemented by political agreement from 1997 onwards). Much of the European-level debate on employment during 1999 has concerned the "European pact for employment", which was heralded by the Vienna European Council of December 1998, and which all the relevant actors were urged to support. Agreement on the pact was reached at the June 1999 European Council in Cologne. This article begins, therefore, by describing the different elements which constitute the pact. The role of the social partners in relation to these components, including the Luxembourg process where it is most developed, is set out in the core of the article, with greater emphasis on trade union than employer involvement. The concluding section provides an overview.

Discursive Democracy and New Labour: Five Ways in Which Decision-Makers Manage Citizen Agendas in Public Participation Initiatives

2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Williams
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Labour Policy ◽  
The Government

New Labour's conceptualisation of public participation in local government creates a tension in public participation practice. Government legislation and guidance require local authorities to develop and provide citizen-centred services, engage the public in policy-making and respond to the public's views. Seen in this light, New Labour policy draws from radical democratic discourse. However, local authority staff are also expected to act in accordance with the direction set by their line managers, the Council and the government and to inform, engage and persuade the public of the benefit of their authority's policies. In this respect, New Labour policy draws from the discursive model of civil society, conceptualising public participation as a method for engendering civil ownership of the formal structures of representative democracy. Tension is likely to arise when the ideas, opinions and values of the local authority differ from those expressed by the participating public. This paper uses a local ‘public participation’ initiative to investigate how the tension is managed in practice. The study shows how decision-makers dealt with the tension by using participatory initiatives to supply information, understand the views of the public and encourage public support around pre-existing organisational agendas. Problems occurred when citizens introduced new agendas by breaking or manipulating the rules of participation. Decision-makers responded by using a number of distinctive methods for managing citizens’ agendas, some of which were accompanied by strategies for minimising the injury done to citizens’ motivations for further participation. The paper concludes that New Labour policy fails to deal with the tensions between the radical and discursive models of participation and in the final analysis draws mainly from the discursive model of participation. Furthermore, whilst New Labour policy promotes dialogue between the public and local authority, it does not empower local authority staff to achieve the goal of citizen-centred policy-making.

Balancing Identities: How Economic Inequality and Class Affect Work-life Balance

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Filippi ◽  
Caterina Suitner ◽  
Bruno Gabriel Salvador Casara ◽  
Davide Pirrone ◽  
Mara A. Yerkes
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Work Life ◽  
Work Life Balance ◽  
European Policy ◽  
Life Balance ◽  
Fundamental Part

Work-Life Balance (WLB) is recognized as a fundamental part of people’s well-being and prioritized in European policy making. Until recently, little attention was given to the role of economic inequality in people's inferences of WLB. In Study 1, we experimentally tested and confirmed a) the effect of economic inequality on WLB, and b) the role of status anxiety in mediating this relationship. In Study 2, we provided a replication and advancement of Study 1 by manipulating socioeconomic class in addition to economic inequality. Results showed that in the inequality condition, people expected less WLB through a partial mediation of status anxiety and competitiveness. We also found that class mattered, with economic inequality mainly affecting participants in the low-class condition. In sum, economic inequality enhanced participants’ competitiveness and concern about their social status, which in turn affected WLB. This demonstrates the need for policies promoting WLB in those countries characterized by high inequality.

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