scholarly journals Analyzing varieties of (post-enlargement) Europeanization in CEE advocacy organizations across policy fields

Author(s):  
Szczepan Czarnecki ◽  
Rafał Riedel
Author(s):  
Martin Weiser

The position of law in North Korean politics and society has been a long concern of scholars as well as politicians and activists. Some argue it would be more important to understand the extra-legal rules that run North Korea like the Ten Principles on the leadership cult as they supersede any formal laws or the constitution.1 But the actual legal developments in North Korea, which eventually also mediate those leading principles and might even limit their reach, has so far been insufficiently explored. It is easy to point to North Korean secrecy as a main reason for this lacuna. But the numerous available materials and references on North Korean legislation available today have, however, not been fully explored yet, which has severely impeded progress in the field. Even publications officially released by North Korea to foreigners offer surprisingly detailed information on legal changes and the evolution of the law-making institutions. This larger picture of legal developments already draws a more detailed picture of the institutional developments in North Korean law and the broad policy fields that had been regulated from early on in contrast to the often-assumed absence of legislation in important fields like copyright, civil law or investment. It also shows that different to a monolithic system, various law-making institutions exist and fulfil discernably different legal responsibilities. Next to this limitation in content, scholars in the field currently also have not used all approaches legal developments in the North Korea could be analysed and interpreted with. Going beyond the reading of legal texts or speculating about known titles of still unavailable legislation, quantitative approaches can be applied ranging from the simple counting of laws to more sophisticated analysis of legislative numbering often provided with legislation. Understanding the various institutions as flexible in their roles and hence adoptable to shifts in leadership and policy agendas can also provide a more realistic picture of legal practices in North Korea.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292098345
Author(s):  
Jae Yeon Kim

In the early twentieth century, Asian Americans and Latinos organized along national origin lines and focused on assimilation; By the 1960s and 1970s, community organizers from both groups began to form panethnic community service organizations (CSOs) that emphasized solidarity. I argue that focusing on the rise of panethnic CSOs reveals an underappreciated mechanism that has mobilized Asian Americans and Latinos—the welfare state. The War on Poverty programs incentivized non-black minority community organizers to form panethnic CSOs to gain access to state resources and serve the economically disadvantaged in their communities. Drawing on extensive archival research, I identify this mechanism and test it with my original dataset of 818 Asian American and Latino advocacy organizations and CSOs. Leveraging the Reagan budget cut, I show that dismantling the War on Poverty programs reduced the founding rate of panethnic CSOs. I further estimated that a 1 percent increase in federal funding was associated with the increase of the two panethnic CSOs during the War on Poverty. The findings demonstrate how access to state resources forces activists among non-primary beneficiary groups to build new political identities that fit the dominant image of the policy beneficiaries.


1986 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 114-116
Author(s):  
BEVERLY A. ENTWISTLE ◽  
PAUL S. CASAMASSIMO

2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orla O'Donovan

This article is based on a study that aimed to shed light on the “cultures of action” of Irish health advocacy organizations, and particularly their modes of engagement with pharmaceutical corporations. Debates about what some interpret as the “corporate colonization” of health activism provide the backdrop for the analysis. The empirical dimension of the study involved a survey of 112 organizations and in-depth study of a small number of organizations that manifest diverse modes of engagement with the pharmaceutical industry. The varying modes of interaction are plotted along a continuum and characterized as corporatist, cautious cooperation, and confrontational. Evidence is presented of a strong and growing cultural tendency in Irish health advocacy organizations to frame pharmaceutical corporations as allies in their quests for better health. The analysis of four constitutive dimensions of organizations' cultures of action can reveal the legitimating logics underlying their diverging positions around pharmaceutical industry sponsorship. While the research shows that pharmaceutical corporations have largely succeeded in defining themselves as a philanthropic force and rightful players in Irish health activism, it cautions against a simplistic conclusion that this is evidence of corporate colonization.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. 26-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. L. Trimble ◽  
M. C. Christian

On the basis of three large randomized phase III trials, the National Cancer Institute (NCI) issued a Clinical Announcement in January 2006 recommending that women with optimally debulked stage III ovarian cancer and their physicians consider a combination of intravenous (IV) and intraperitoneal (IP) chemotherapy. The combination of IV and IP chemotherapy is associated with a clinically significant benefit in survival, although it does also confer an increased risk of toxicity compared to IV chemotherapy alone. The NCI Clinical Announcement was issued as part of a broader educational campaign, designed in conjunction with professional societies, cancer centers, Clinical Trials Cooperative Groups, and cancer advocacy organizations. The further development of IP chemotherapy in ovarian cancer requires additional clinical and translational research


Politics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 175-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Major

The article aims to explore the utility of Europeanisation as a concept to grasp the interactions between national and European levels. The article illustrates how the EU impacts on the national level of policy, polity and the politics of Member States and assesses how the role of nation states within the European political system has changed as a result. First, the existing definitions of Europeanisation are critically assessed, contextualised and delimited. Initially developed for communitised policy areas in the first pillar, Europeanisation is defined as an interactive, ongoing and mutually constitutive process of ‘Europeanising’ and ‘Europeanised’ countries, linking national and European levels. Defining Europeanisation as ‘domestic change’, the article then discusses mechanisms, objects and forms, as well as the criteria and conditions of change. The article subsequently seeks to clarify the validity of the Europeanisation concept in capturing the increasing interwovenness of national and European spheres in intergovernmental policy fields situated in the second pillar of the EU, that is, foreign and security policy. Inherent methodological challenges, mainly due to the deficient delimitation of Europeanisation and the intergovernmental character of this policy field are discussed as well as the particularities of its applicability in this unique policy area.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Busetti ◽  
Bruno Dente

The article offers analytical tools for designing multi-actor implementation processes. It does so by proposing a design approach centred on causal mechanisms. Such design strategy requires designers to focus primarily on causal theories explaining why implementers commit overtime to implementing policies. The central proposal is that design procedures should be reversed, i.e. start by reasoning on the causal mechanisms explaining implementers’ behaviour and then go looking for design features. Several advantages of this approach related to designing, reforming, or transferring successful practices are discussed throughout the article. Finally, the article provides six extended examples of such mechanisms in different policy fields: actor’s certification, blame avoidance, earning brownie points, repeated interactions, focusing events and attribution of opportunity or threat.


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