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2021 ◽  
pp. 004208592110684
Author(s):  
Carlos P. Hipolito-Delgado ◽  
Dane Stickney ◽  
Ben Kirshner ◽  
Courtney Donovan

Critical pedagogies often prioritize critical thinking and social awareness at the expense of preparing urban youth for social action. Though sociopolitical efficacy is argued to bridge critical reflection and social action, this relationship is undetermined. We argue that critical reflection and sociopolitical efficacy are independent predictors of sociopolitical action. We surveyed 158 high-school students and found that critical reflection and sociopolitical efficacy were positively related to sociopolitical action. Additionally, participation in transformative student voice (TSV) and classroom leadership opportunities positively influenced sociopolitical efficacy. We argue that educators and community organizers should promote leadership development and TSV activities to encourage youth sociopolitical efficacy and action.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuradha Sajjanhar ◽  
◽  
Denzil Mohammed

The COVID-19 pandemic affected everyone in the United States, and essential workers across industries like health care, agriculture, retail, transportation and food supply were key to our survival. Immigrants, overrepresented in essential industries but largely invisible in the public eye, were critical to our ability to weather the pandemic and recover from it. But who are they? How did they do the riskiest of jobs in the riskiest of times? And how were both U.S.-born and foreign-born residents affected? This report explores the crucial contributions of immigrant essential workers, their impact on the lives of those around them, and how they were affected by the pandemic, public sentiment and policies. It further explores the contradiction of immigrants being essential to all of our well-being yet denied benefits, protections and rights given to most others. The pandemic revealed the significant value of immigrant essential workers to the health of all Americans. This report places renewed emphasis on their importance to national well-being. The report first provides a demographic picture of foreign-born workers in key industries during the pandemic using U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) data. Part I then gives a detailed narrative of immigrants’ experiences and contributions to the country’s perseverance during the pandemic based on interviews with immigrant essential workers in California, Minnesota and Texas, as well as with policy experts and community organizers from across the country. Interviewees include: ■ A food packing worker from Mexico who saw posters thanking doctors and grocery workers but not those like her working in the fields. ■ A retail worker from Argentina who refused the vaccine due to mistrust of the government. ■ A worker in a check cashing store from Eritrea who felt a “responsibility to be able to take care of people” lining up to pay their bills. Part II examines how federal and state policies, as well as increased public recognition of the value of essential workers, failed to address the needs and concerns of immigrants and their families. Both foreign-born and U.S.-born people felt the consequences. Policies kept foreign-trained health care workers out of hospitals when intensive care units were full. They created food and household supply shortages resulting in empty grocery shelves. They denied workplace protections to those doing the riskiest jobs during a crisis. While legislation and programs made some COVID-19 relief money available, much of it failed to reach the immigrant essential workers most in need. Part II also offers several examples of local and state initiatives that stepped in to remedy this. By looking more deeply at the crucial role of immigrant essential workers and the policies that affect them, this report offers insight into how the nation can better respond to the next public health crisis.


Author(s):  
Gilbert Singletary ◽  
Kenneth Royal ◽  
Kathy Goodridge-Purnell

The deaths of George Floyd and other African American men and women in 2020 awakened the consciousness of Americans and social justice advocates across the world. The chants of “Black Lives Matter!” echoed from the streets of Minneapolis – all the way to the shores of Cape Town, South Africa. Immense pressure from protestors and community organizers caused those in education and traditional business sectors to evaluate their commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). Many organizations responded by releasing statements in support of minoritized groups, often including the hashtags #BLM or #NAACP[i]. However, despite support offered via social media, consumers and social justice advocates demanded more than just words. To that end, many institutions began to establish diversity book clubs, while others created DEI committees, and/or appointed a Chief Diversity Officer to guide DEI initiatives across the institution (Byrd et al., 2021). Constructing and operating a diverse DEI committee presents significant challenges. In addition to the barriers associated with assembling diverse members, there are also methodological constraints as there is a dearth of empirical research within the extant literature that provides guidance in constructing and evaluating the effectiveness of DEI committees. To that end, the purpose of this article is three-fold: (1) to discuss the necessity of DEI committees in higher education and corporate settings; (2) to explain why DEI committees sometimes fail; and (3) to offer some suggestions for addressing ways to improve their overall effectiveness. [i] These are the Twitter designations for Black Lives Matter and The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, respectively.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0013189X2110497
Author(s):  
Conra D. Gist

Grow Your Own (GYO) programs are designed to recruit high school students, paraeducators, community organizers and parents, and/or career changers from the local community to join the educator workforce. When considering the nontraditional teacher pools that may enter the profession through GYO programs, commonly held assumptions about who teachers are, how they are developed, and what is most important for supporting their growth are challenged. This article reframes conventional narratives in teacher education by exploring the ways in which GYO programs offer counternarratives that reimagine teacher development by valuing (a) intersectional views of ethnoracial diversity, (b) resilience as an important teacher characteristic, (c) multiple modes of assessment as evidence of teacher learning, (d) ethnoracially diverse and community-based teacher educators, (e) culturally responsive pedagogy and place-based learning, and (f) local community school commitment.


Author(s):  
Clément Petitjean

L’élection de Barack Obama à la Maison-Blanche en 2008 ne marque pas uniquement l’élection du « premier président noir » : il s’agit aussi de celle du premier ancien community organizer. Jusqu’alors relativement inconnue, la catégorie « community organizer » devient indissociable d’une trajectoire politique individuelle mythifiée. La politisation de la catégorie éclaire ainsi un phénomène peu étudié : l’intégration de l’espace du community organizing aux filières de recrutement des professionnel·les de la politique étatsunien·nes à tous les échelons institutionnels. Or, ce phénomène apparaît paradoxal : non seulement l’espace du community organizing s’est construit contre le champ politique comme un « contre-pouvoir citoyen », mais les professionnel·les de la mobilisation et de la représentation populaires que sont les community organizers refusent d’assurer le travail de porte-parolat politique, pris en charge par des « leaders » profanes qu’elles et ils forment et encadrent. Pour rendre raison de ce passage du refus de la représentation à son incarnation, l’article s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée à Chicago entre 2015 et 2018.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110389
Author(s):  
Richard Milligan ◽  
Tyler McCreary ◽  
Na’Taki Osborne Jelks

Recent scholarship on environmental justice highlights a concern about the relationship between the racial state and social movement strategy. This paper addresses the ingenuity of environmental justice organizing in the Proctor Creek and South River watersheds of Atlanta, Georgia, each home to predominantly Black communities and unjust flows of toxicants and sewage through urban creeks, streams, and rivers. We begin from critiques of the failure of institutionalized environmental justice and the state’s role in maintaining environmental racisms. To examine organizing responses to these circumstances, we analyze the improvisational politics of social movements in the context of the racial state, theoretically drawing from Charles Lee’s Ingenious Citizenship (2016). Empirically investigating the work of Atlanta community organizers, we emphasize pathways of strategic innovation among environmental justice organizers that improvise against the racial state even while negotiating with it. The article presents evidence of organizers challenging dominant modes of quantifying environmental injustice, appropriating and repurposing the language of environmental restoration, and improvising in the spaces of environmental governance. While state recognition has sought to contain or co-opt movements, we demonstrate the continuing vitality of mobilizations that simultaneously make demands of the state and rupture the governing forms of knowledge and practice that reinforce environmental racisms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (16) ◽  
pp. 9192
Author(s):  
Aelita Skarzauskiene ◽  
Monika Mačiulienė

This research aims to extend our knowledge about the factors for increasing participation and sustainability of digitally enhanced communities. Thus, the subject of the research is online community projects which act as the catalysts for collective behaviors exhibited through the crowd effect. Typical to online communities and their social orientation is the use of new forms of self-regulation and self-governance. Sustainable online communities can improve public services and lead to broader civic participation. The communities were analyzed in the course of experimental qualitative research that was conducted in Lithuania. Participants in digital urban communities and initiators of such platforms were interviewed face-to-face. Analysis of the empirical data revealed different motivational, socio-cultural, and organizational factors influencing the sustainable online community ecosystem. According to the research results, community organizers and IT developers should focus on online collaborations through technologies that create social value (collective decision-making tools, gamification, virtual brainstorming, and other technological solutions).


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 304
Author(s):  
David Orta

This exploratory study draws on qualitative interviews to investigate respondents’ perspectives about gentrification in their Chicago neighborhood. Prior research has demonstrated that place-based networks are crucial for the well-being of low-income and immigrant urban residents. A parallel though a previously disparate thread of research discusses the negative impacts of gentrification on long-term residents. I find that residents underscore concerns about their neighborhood’s decreasing affordability, as well as the impending loss of their neighborhood’s local Latinx immigrant identity, as central issues for their community. For residents, “place”, vis-á-vis the neighborhood identity, was central to their own construction of ethnic identity. Concurrently, I find that community organizers viewed place-based changes associated with gentrification as nonstrategic for their organization, whose operations have evolved “beyond the neighborhood”, and endeavor to meet the needs of low-income ethnic Latinx populations across the metropolitan region. I conclude that scholars of both ethnic identity and those studying urban inequalities may benefit from taking a place-centered approach in addressing the gentrification, community organizing, and residential displacement occurring within Latinx communities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Ridha Auliya ◽  
I Putu Deny A.S. Prabowo

The Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia is the Ministry within the Indonesian Government in charge of religious affairs. The Ministry of Religion in Balikpapan can serve in the fields of Education, Marriage, Waqf, Consultants on Household Issues, Mosque Construction, Hajj and others. The Ministry of Religion in the Field of Hajj and Umrah (PHU) Administrators as community organizers and facilitators who of course must behave professionally in serving, accompanying and assisting everything that is needed and prepared by prospective pilgrims before departure until returning to worship. Hajj and Umrah organizers as institutions within the ministry of religion certainly need to fulfill the demands of providing guidance. In this practical work, the special task carried out at the Ministry of Religion of the City of Balikpapan is to carry out Business Process Reengineering in the business process for Hajj registration services during the COVID-19 pandemic, so that the business process becomes more effective and efficient. Preparation of a Business Process with a Business Process Reengineering by providing additional activities and reducing activities. The addition of this activity for prospective pilgrims is proposed to first check the haj registration information on the kemenag.go.id website or asramahajibalikpapan.co.id. The information on the website is complete for community needs. So with the prospective pilgrims who can check Hajj registration information online, it can eliminate misunderstandings and the quality of service provided by the Ministry of Religion is already very good.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilliann Paine ◽  
Patanjali de la Rocha ◽  
Antonia P. Eyssallenne ◽  
Courtni Alexis Andrews ◽  
Leanne Loo ◽  
...  

Declaring racism a public health crisis has the potential to shepherd meaningful anti-racism policy forward and bridge long standing divisions between policy-makers, community organizers, healers, and public health practitioners. At their best, the declarations are a first step to address long standing inaction in the face of need. At their worst, the declarations poison or sedate grassroots momentum toward anti-racism structural change by delivering politicians unearned publicity and slowing progress on health equity. Declaring racism as a public health crisis is a tool that must be used with clarity and caution in order to maximize impact. Key to holding public institutions accountable for creating declarations is the direct involvement of Black and Indigenous People of Color (BIPOC) led groups and organizers. Sharing power, centering their voices and working in tandem, these collaborations ensure that declarations push for change from the lens of those most impacted and authentically engage with the demands of communities and their legacies. Superficial diversity and inclusion efforts that bring BIPOC people and organizers into the conversation and then fail to implement their ideas repeat historical patterns of harm, stall momentum for structural change at best, and poison the strategy at worst. In this paper we will examine three declarations in the United States and analyze them utilizing evaluative criteria aligned with health equity and anti-racism practices. Finally, we offer recommendations to inform anti-racist public health work for meaningful systematic change toward decentralization and empowerment of communities in their health futures.


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