The Dutch verb-spelling paradox in social media

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 111-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tijn Schmitz ◽  
Robert Chamalaun ◽  
Mirjam Ernestus

Abstract Although the Dutch verb spelling system seems very straightforward, many spelling errors are made, both by children and adults (e.g., Sandra, Frisson, & Daems 2004). These errors mainly occur with verbs with two or more homophonous forms in their inflectional paradigms. Ample experimental research has been carried out on this topic, but these studies hardly reflect everyday language behavior. In the current corpus study, we reassessed previously found experimental results, but now in a Twitter corpus containing 17,432 tweets with homophonous verb forms. In accordance with previous results, we found a clear preference for the suffix -<d> compared to both -<dt> and -<t> , as well as a frequency effect, resulting in fewer errors for more frequent word forms. Furthermore, the results revealed that users with more followers make fewer errors, and that more errors are made during the evening and night.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 327-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Cotterell ◽  
Christo Kirov ◽  
Mans Hulden ◽  
Jason Eisner

We quantify the linguistic complexity of different languages’ morphological systems. We verify that there is a statistically significant empirical trade-off between paradigm size and irregularity: A language’s inflectional paradigms may be either large in size or highly irregular, but never both. We define a new measure of paradigm irregularity based on the conditional entropy of the surface realization of a paradigm— how hard it is to jointly predict all the word forms in a paradigm from the lemma. We estimate irregularity by training a predictive model. Our measurements are taken on large morphological paradigms from 36 typologically diverse languages.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
NYNKE DE HAAS ◽  
ANS VAN KEMENADE

This article presents new evidence for the early history of the Northern Subject Rule in the form of an exhaustive corpus study of plural present-tense indicative verb forms in Northern and Northern Midlands early Middle English, analysed in relation to their syntactic context, including subject type and subject–verb adjacency. We show that variation between -∅/e/n and -s endings was conditioned by both subject type and adjacency in a core area around Yorkshire, whereas in more peripheral areas, the adjacency condition was weaker and often absent.We present an analysis of these facts in relation to the presence of multiple subject positions in early English, which we show contra earlier literature to be relevant for Northern English as well, We view -∅/e/n endings as ‘true’ agreement, which in the relevant dialects is limited to contexts with pronominal subjects in a high subject position, Spec,AgrSP; other forms of agreement (-s or -th) represent default inflection occurring elsewhere. This analysis supports the hypothesis that the NSR arose when the extant morphological variation in Northern Old English was reanalysed as an effect of pre-existing multiple subject positions.


2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominiek Sandra ◽  
Steven Frisson ◽  
Frans Daems

We review some of our research findings on verb spelling errors in Dutch. The spelling of Dutch regularly inflected verb forms is governed by rules of the simple concatenative type (stem + suffix). The spelling of a subset of these verb forms is determined by morpheme-based analogy, both at the level of the stem-final letter and at the level of the inaudible (i.e., silent) suffix. This subset of verb forms causes many spelling problems, both in the learning stage and in the spelling process of experienced spellers. Our research identifies two sources of these errors. First, the error risk results from the time-consuming nature of the cognitive operations needed for spelling the silent suffix. Second, the errors follow a particular pattern: the typical error is a homophonic verb spelling form which has a higher frequency of occurrence in the Dutch written language than the target form. This homophone frequency effect shows that regularly inflected verb forms with silent suffixes have their own orthographic representation in the mental lexicon, even though they are fully predictable by rule.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jana Reifegerste ◽  
Harald Clahsen

Abstract The current study examined morphological priming in older individuals using two complex phenomena of German inflection. Study 1 examined inflected adjectives which encode multiple morphosyntactic features using regular affixes. Study 2 targeted inflected verb forms which also encode multiple features, but in this case using idiosyncratic stem variants. Study 1 revealed priming effects indicating efficient access of morphosyntactic features from inflected word forms with regular affixes. Study 2 showed that the same individuals were less efficient at accessing morphosyntactic features from marked stems. We argue that this contrast reflects age-related memory decline, which affects feature access from (lexically conditioned) stem variants more than feature access from lexically unconditioned regular forms.


2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 103-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prisca Stenneken ◽  
Markus Conrad ◽  
Florian Hutzler ◽  
Mario Braun ◽  
Arthur M. Jacobs

The present study investigated the nature of the inhibitory syllable frequency effect, recently reported for normal readers, in a German-speaking dyslexic patient. The reading impairment was characterized as a severe deficit in naming single letters or words in the presence of spared lexical processing of visual word forms. Three visual lexical decision experiments were conducted with the dyslexic patient, an unimpaired control person matched to the patient and a control group: Experiment 1 manipulated the frequency of words and word-initial syllables and demonstrated systematic effects of both factors in normal readers and in the dyslexic patient. The syllable frequency effect was replicated in a second experiment with a more strictly controlled stimulus set. Experiment 3 confirmed the patient’s deficit in activating phonological forms from written words by demonstrating that a pseudohomophone effect as observed in the unimpaired control participants was absent in the dyslexic patient.


Psihologija ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusica Filipovic-Djurdjevic ◽  
Isidora Gataric

In this paper we show that the processing of inflected verb forms is simultaneously influenced by the distributional properties of their inflectional paradigm (all the inflected forms of the given verb) and also by their inflectional class (all the verbs that conjugate in the same manner). Thus, we generalize a finding that was previously observed with nouns. We demonstrate that a divergence of the frequency distribution within inflectional paradigm from the frequency distribution within inflectional class (operationalized as Relative entropy between the two frequency distributions) is detrimental to processing. We present the results of a visual lexical decision experiment and the results of a simulation that was ran in the Naive Discriminative Reader, a simple computational model based on basic learning principles. We show that Relative entropy between an inflectional paradigm and an inflectional class predicts both empirically observed and simulated processing latencies. By doing so, we add to the body of research that investigates processing effects of information theory based descriptions of language. We also demonstrate that the effect of Relative entropy on the processing of morphology can arise as a consequence of the principles of discriminative learning in a system that maps input cues to outcomes, with no specification of morphology per se.


Author(s):  
Gregory Stump

Inflection is the systematic relation between words’ morphosyntactic content and their morphological form; as such, the phenomenon of inflection raises fundamental questions about the nature of morphology itself and about its interfaces. Within the domain of morphology proper, it is essential to establish how (or whether) inflection differs from other kinds of morphology and to identify the ways in which morphosyntactic content can be encoded morphologically. A number of different approaches to modeling inflectional morphology have been proposed; these tend to cluster into two main groups, those that are morpheme-based and those that are lexeme-based. Morpheme-based theories tend to treat inflectional morphology as fundamentally concatenative; they tend to represent an inflected word’s morphosyntactic content as a compositional summing of its morphemes’ content; they tend to attribute an inflected word’s internal structure to syntactic principles; and they tend to minimize the theoretical significance of inflectional paradigms. Lexeme-based theories, by contrast, tend to accord concatenative and nonconcatenative morphology essentially equal status as marks of inflection; they tend to represent an inflected word’s morphosyntactic content as a property set intrinsically associated with that word’s paradigm cell; they tend to assume that an inflected word’s internal morphology is neither accessible to nor defined by syntactic principles; and they tend to treat inflection as the morphological realization of a paradigm’s cells. Four important issues for approaches of either sort are the nature of nonconcatenative morphology, the incidence of extended exponence, the underdetermination of a word’s morphosyntactic content by its inflectional form, and the nature of word forms’ internal structure. The structure of a word’s inventory of inflected forms—its paradigm—is the locus of considerable cross-linguistic variation. In particular, the canonical relation of content to form in an inflectional paradigm is subject to a wide array of deviations, including inflection-class distinctions, morphomic properties, defectiveness, deponency, metaconjugation, and syncretism; these deviations pose important challenges for understanding the interfaces of inflectional morphology, and a theory’s resolution of these challenges depends squarely on whether that theory is morpheme-based or lexeme-based.


Author(s):  
Felicity Meakins ◽  
Sasha Wilmoth

The reduction of morphological complexity, particularly in inflectional paradigms, is not uncommon in language contact. One area of morphological complexity which has received less attention is variation within the cells of a paradigm, e.g. ‘dived’ and ‘dove’ as different past tense word forms of {DIVE} in English. This type of morphological complexity, where multiple forms are realized in the same cell in a paradigm is termed ‘overabundance’. This chapter examines the development of overabundance in the subject-marking system of Gurindji Kriol, and claims that increasing complexity in this dimension is the result of language contact. We analyse new data from Gurindji children using generalized linear mixed models to determine whether the complexity in the case paradigm has stabilized or whether complexification is on-going. We show that overabundance in Gurindji Kriol is an example of a contact-induced change which involves the complexification of an inflectional paradigm rather than its simplification.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (s42-s2) ◽  
pp. 339-391
Author(s):  
Silvia Luraghi ◽  
Guglielmo Inglese ◽  
Daniel Kölligan

Abstract The IE languages developed different strategies for the encoding of the passive function. In some language branches, the middle voice extended to the passive function to varying extents. In addition, dedicated derivational formations arose in a number of languages, such as the Greek -ē-/-thē- aorist and the Indo-Aryan -ya-presents. Periphrastic formations involving a verbal adjective or a participle are also widely attested, and played an important role in the building of the passive paradigm in e.g. Romance and Germanic languages. As the periphrastic passive is also attested in Hittite alongside passive use of the middle, both strategies seem to be equally ancient. Some minor strategies include lexical passives and the extensive lability of verbs. A survey of possible strategies provides evidence for the rise of a disparate number of morphemes and constructions, and for their ongoing incorporation into the inflectional paradigms (paradigmaticization) of given languages, thus adding to our knowledge about cross-linguistic sources of passive morphology and grammaticalization processes involved.


2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 501-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald Clahsen ◽  
Maria Martzoukou ◽  
Stavroula Stavrakaki

This study reports results from four experiments investigating the perfective past tense of Greek in adult second language (L2) learners. The data come from L2 learners of Greek with intermediate to advanced L2 proficiency and different native language (L1) backgrounds, and L1 speakers of Greek. All participants were tested in both oral and written elicited production and acceptability judgment tasks on both existing and novel verb stimuli. The results showed that the L2 learners did not achieve native-like performance on the perfective past tense in Greek, even at an advanced level of proficiency. The L2 learners often chose verb forms that did not encode the perfective past tense. Differences to native speakers were found particularly for non-sigmatic verb forms, which contain morphological irregularities in the target language. The results of the four experiments will be discussed in the light of previous findings and accounts of inflectional morphology in adult L2 learners. Taken together, the results suggest that L2 learners rely more on stored inflected word forms and on associative generalizations than native speakers.


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