Discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Jacqueline van Kampen

Abstract This paper discusses two types of discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch. The first type involves a missing argument. In the position before the finite verb a referential 3rd person pronoun is deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from context. I will argue that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is “topic drop”. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns. Like the overt d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent. The second type of V1 declarative is found in so-called “narrative inversion” in which all arguments are present, and no empty element needs to be postulated. Various types of narrative inversion and the kind of discourse relation they imply are discussed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-240
Author(s):  
Jacqueline van Kampen

Abstract First-constituent-deletion in Dutch. What topic drop is and what it is notThis paper discusses the phenomenon of pronoun deletion in Dutch. In the position before the finite verb a 3rd person pronoun may be deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from the context. It will be argued that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is ‘topic drop’, which is typical for spoken Dutch. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns (Van Kampen 2010). Like the overt topic d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent and therefore it cannot be analyzed as discourse topic drop. In written texts, it solely maintains the preceding subject referent. I will further discuss the deletion of 1st person pronouns and the deletion of d-pronouns in imperatives.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 167-192
Author(s):  
Lea Sawicki

The article deals with the use of simplex and compound (prefixed) verbs in narrative text. Main clauses comprising finite verb forms in the past and in the past habitual tense are examined in an attempt to establish to what extent simplex and compound verbs exhibit aspect oppositions, and whether a correlation exists between the occurrence of simplex vs. compound verbs and distinct textual units. The investigation shows that although simple and compound verbs in Lithuanian are not in direct aspect opposition to each other, in the background text portions most of the verbs are prefixless past tense forms or habitual forms, whereas in the plot-advancing text portions, the vast majority of verbs are compound verbs in the simple past tense.  


Virittäjä ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anu Rouhikoski

Artikkelissa tarkastellaan nollapersoonaisen modaaliverbirakenteen käyttöä direktiivinä (esim. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää). Aineistona on 11,5 tuntia Kansaneläkelaitoksen eli Kelan toimistoissa videolle tallennettuja aitoja asiakaspalvelutilanteita, 131 yksittäistä tilannetta. Aineistossa esiintyvät neljä virkailijaa ovat noin 30-vuotiaita; asiakkaiden ikä vaihtelee noin 18 ja 80 vuoden välillä. Analyysi osoittaa, että nollapersoonan referenssi on ainakin muodollisesti avoin ja Kelan tilanteissa se usein kattaa sekä paikalla olevan asiakkaan että muut samassa tilanteessa olevat ihmiset. Siten nollapersoonalla ilmaistaan eksplisiittisesti, että kaikkia kohdellaan samoin säännöin eikä asiakkaalta vaadita mitään poikkeuksellista. Se ikään kuin perustelee itse itsensä. Modaaliverbi (esim. kannattaa, pitää, täytyä, voida) puolestaan tuo lausumaan jonkin keskustelun ulkoisen velvoitteen. Aineistossa nollapersoonaisia modaaliverbidirektiivejä käytetään usein silloin, kun virkailija ei käsittele itsestään selvänä, että asiakas tulee noudattamaan saamaansa direktiiviä, vaan direktiiviin liittyy epävarmuustekijöitä. Näitä ovat arkaluonteisuus, erilinjaisuus, toiminnon aiheuttama vaiva tai toiminnon uutuus vuorovaikutustilanteessa. Nollapersoonainen modaaliverbidirektiivi ottaa hienovaraisesti huomioon toimintoon liittyvät epävarmuustekijät mutta osoittaa silti toiminnon olevan tilanteessa tarpeellinen. Nollapersoonalausumia verrataan artikkelissa toiseen direktiivityyppiin, 2. persoonan modaaliverbilausumiin (esim. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä). Niissäkin modaaliverbi välittää tilanteen ulkopuolelta tulevan käskyn, mutta lausuma rajataan koskemaan ainoastaan yhtä asiakasta ja hänen velvollisuutensa tehdään näkyviksi. 2. persoonan modaaliverbidirektiiveillä annetaan yleensä lisäohjeita jo meneillään olevassa prosessissa tai toistetaan jokin jo annettu direktiivi. Lisäksi niitä käytetään yleensä vain silloin, kun asiakas on virkailijaa nuorempi, kun taas nollapersoonadirektiivejä esitetään kaikenikäisille asiakkaille.   Zero-person subjects and modal verbs in directives: a study of employees at the Social Insurance Institution of Finland  The article analyses the directive use of a Finnish zero person + modal verb construction, e.g. tämä hakemus pitäs vielä täyttää (‘one should fill in this application form’). The data comprises 11.5 hours of service encounters videotaped at the offices of the Social Insurance Institution of Finland (in Finnish: Kansaneläkelaitos = Kela), 131 encounters in total. The four employees in these encounters are all in their thirties, while their clients are between 18–80 years of age. The referent of a zero-person construction is formally open, and in the service encounters analysed here its referent is often not only the client but anyone else who finds themselves in a similar situation. Therefore, the zero person explicitly expresses the notion that all clients are treated in an equal manner. The modal verb (e.g. pitää, täytyä ‘must, have to, should’; voida ‘be able to’; kannattaa ‘be worthwhile’) denotes an obligation that comes from outside the situation at hand. The analysis of the data indicates that a zero person + modal verb construction is often used when the directive involves contingencies, such as delicacy, disalignment, imposition, or a previously undiscussed action. The zero person + modal verb construction displays the speaker’s orientation towards contingencies but also indicates the necessity of the action in question. The zero-person construction stands in contrast to another directive construction, that of the 2nd-person subject + modal verb (e.g. tää sun pitäs kuitenki täyttää vielä ‘you should still fill in this one’). The modal verb conveys an external obligation, but the 2nd-person pronoun refers to one sole person and makes explicit his/her responsibilities. This construction is mainly used when reformulating a previous directive or giving additional advice. Moreover, it is usually only used when addressing younger clients, whereas the zero-person construction is suitable to clients of all ages.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136700692110165
Author(s):  
Kevin Martillo Viner

Aims and objectives: This study analyzes the proclitic and enclitic positions of Spanish clitic se (e.g., ella se quería ir / ella quería irse ‘she wanted to go’) across two generations of Spanish speakers in New York City. In an effort to contribute to ongoing research aimed at better understanding Spanish in the US, the following questions are addressed. In syntactic environments that permit variation, does placement of Spanish se differ between the two generations? From the internal variables identified for this study (nonfinite verb type, finite verb, tense of finite verb, grammatical person, use of se, grammatical mood of finite verb, negation), which ones have a statistically significant effect on placement? From the external variables identified for this study (national origin, region, areal origins, sex, age, years in US, socioeconomic class, education, English skill, Spanish skill, general Spanish use), which ones have a statistically significant effect on placement? Design and data: This study is carried out within a variationist-sociolinguistic framework and the sample consists of 50 participants, 25 from the first generation (G1) and 25 from the second (G2). Analysis: Bivariate chi-square tests are performed in order to determine what internal and external variables constrain placement of the dependent variable (clitic se placement). Findings: Generation has a statistically significant effect on placement ( p = .016), wherein proclisis is more frequent amongst the G2 participants. These results corroborate previous research showing an overall preference for proclisis in both monolingual and bilingual/heritage speakers. Further, chi-square tests pinpoint five conditioning effects for G1 (nonfinite verb type, use of se, finite verb, years in US, and English skill), but only two for G2 (use of se and English skill). Originality and implications: The present study is the first to discover strong correlations between the proclitic position and the numerous internal and external variables quantitatively assessed. Future research is thus warranted.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Warde

This article explores the workings of second-person pronoun forms in Cormac McCarthy’s 2006 post-apocalyptic novel The Road. More particularly, the analysis focuses on examples of ‘doubly deictic you’ (Herman, 2002), and demonstrates how the novel exploits the uncertain deictic, referential and address functions of this particular pronoun form to develop what I term a ‘post-apocalyptic poetics’, through which it attempts to explore – and enact – the spatial and temporal dislocations that ensue from the fictional apocalypse. The article also demonstrates how the novel’s indeterminate use of narrative you creates profound hermeneutical (and often ontological) uncertainty for readers, who must often suspend any attempt to fix the positions from and to which the story is addressed. McCarthy’s opaque use of the terms you and your throughout the novel creates profound polyphony and multivalence by preventing readers from clearly distinguishing the discourse and perspectives of protagonists from those of the narration, and by thus impelling readers to develop several interpretations of key passages, all of which must be sustained simultaneously. Finally, the analysis explores how the (potential) apostrophic effects associated with doubly deictic you serve to immerse readers in the horrors of the post-apocalyptic world, thus increasing the novel’s ecocritical import.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen de Hoop ◽  
Lotte Hogeweg

AbstractFor this study we investigated all occurrences of Dutch second person pronoun subjects in a literary novel, and determined their interpretation. We found two patterns that can both be argued to be functionally related to the de-velopment of the story. First, we found a decrease in the generic use of second person, a decrease which we believe goes hand in hand with an increased distancing of oneself as a reader from the narrator/main character. Second, we found an increase in the use of the descriptive second person. The increased descriptive use of second person pronouns towards the end of the novel is very useful for the reader, because the information provided by the first person narrator himself becomes less and less reliable. Thus, the reader depends more strongly on information provided by other characters and what these characters tell the narrator about himself.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 205-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sadaf Munshi ◽  
Rajesh Bhatt

Kashmiri has two structural positions for negation: a high position associated with focus and a low position associated with tense. In verb second environments, the difference between these two positions is neutralized on the surface and irrespective of the location where negation is generated, it appears as a suffix on the finite verb. But in non-verb second environments such as conditionals and correlatives the two negations can be teased apart. In these environments, the high negation appears as a suffix on material such as relative phrases and the conditional marker while the low negation appears as a suffix on the finite verb. The high vs. low distinction has semantic implications: in certain environments where the negation is arguably ‘expletive’, negation can only be high.


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