The reduced embodiment of a second language

Substantial evidence indicates that first language (L1) comprehension involves embodied visual simulations. The present study tested the assumption that a formally learned second language (L2), which is less related to real-life experiences, is processed in a less embodied manner relative to a naturally acquired L1. To this end, bilingual participants completed the same task in their L1 and L2. In the task, they read sentences and decided immediately after each sentence whether a pictured object had been mentioned in the preceding sentence. Responses were significantly faster when the shape of the object in the picture matched rather than mismatched the sentence-implied shape, but only in the L1, and only when the L1 block was performed before the L2 block. These findings suggest that embodied visual simulations are reduced in a formally learned L2 and may be subjected to cross-language influences.

Explicit (Not Implicit) Attitudes Mediate the Focus of Attention During Sentence Processing

Many studies showed that comprehenders monitor changes in protagonists’ emotions and actions. This article reports two experiments that explored how focusing comprehenders’ attention on a particular property of the protagonist dimension (e.g., emotional or action state) affects the accessibility of information about target objects mentioned in the sentence. Furthermore, the present research examined whether participants’ attitudes toward the issues described in the sentence can modulate comprehension processes. To this end, we asked participants to read sentences about environmental issues that focused comprehenders’ attention on different mental and physical attributes of the same entities (protagonists and objects) and then self-report their own thoughts on the topic of environment by responding to the items assessing their environmental awareness. Importantly, we manipulated the task requirements across two experiments by administering a self-report task (Experiment 1), which required the participants to rate the seriousness and the frequency of the problem mentioned in a sentence; and administering a sentence-picture verification paradigm (Experiment 2), which required the participants to merely indicate if the object depicted in the picture (related to a certain environmental problem) was mentioned in the preceding sentence. The results of these experiments suggest that the focus of a sentence on the environmental problem (rather than the protagonist’s emotion and action) enhances the accessibility of information about environmental issues (e.g., plastic garbage); that the comprehender’s level of environmental awareness influences one’s attention during sentence processing; and that comprehender characteristics significantly modulate comprehension processes only when the measures tap into explicit (and not implicit) processes.

Discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch

This paper discusses two types of discourse-related V1 declaratives in Dutch. The first type involves a missing argument. In the position before the finite verb a referential 3rd person pronoun is deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from context. I will argue that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is “topic drop”. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns. Like the overt d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent. The second type of V1 declarative is found in so-called “narrative inversion” in which all arguments are present, and no empty element needs to be postulated. Various types of narrative inversion and the kind of discourse relation they imply are discussed.

Eerstezinsdeeldeletie in het Nederlands : Wat topicdrop wél en wat het níet is

First-constituent-deletion in Dutch. What topic drop is and what it is notThis paper discusses the phenomenon of pronoun deletion in Dutch. In the position before the finite verb a 3rd person pronoun may be deleted. The deletion of the pronoun is constrained by the recoverability condition, which requires that its referential features can be reconstructed from the context. It will be argued that only the deletion of a d(emonstrative)-pronoun is ‘topic drop’, which is typical for spoken Dutch. Deleted topic d-pronouns are subject to the same syntactic conditions as overt topic d-pronouns (Van Kampen 2010). Like the overt topic d-pronoun, the deleted d-pronoun refers to the focus constituent of the preceding sentence. A deleted p(ersonal)-pronoun, by contrast, does not have a uniquely determined antecedent and therefore it cannot be analyzed as discourse topic drop. In written texts, it solely maintains the preceding subject referent. I will further discuss the deletion of 1st person pronouns and the deletion of d-pronouns in imperatives.

Object combination in mental simulations

Studies on the presence of mental simulations during language comprehension have typically focused only on single object properties. This study investigates whether two objects are combined in mental simulations, and whether this is influenced by task instructions. In both experiments, participants read sentences describing animals using a tool in some way. After each sentence, they saw an image of a cartoon animal holding a tool, and they indicated whether the animal (Experiment 1) or the tool (Experiment 2) was mentioned in the previous sentence or not. The shown image completely matched, partially matched, partially mismatched, or completely mismatched the preceding sentence. In total, 90 Dutch psychology students took part in Experiment 1, and 92 students took part in Experiment 2, both experiments were pre-registered. The results suggest that mental simulations indeed combine multiple objects during language comprehension and that this is not influenced by task instructions. Regardless of the instruction type, participants always responded quickest in the complete match condition compared to the partial match condition, suggesting that language comprehension leads to the creation of a complete mental simulation.

How visual cues to speech rate influence speech perception

Spoken words are highly variable and therefore listeners interpret speech sounds relative to the surrounding acoustic context, such as the speech rate of a preceding sentence. For instance, a vowel midway between short /ɑ/ and long /a:/ in Dutch is perceived as short /ɑ/ in the context of preceding slow speech, but as long /a:/ if preceded by a fast context. Despite the well-established influence of visual articulatory cues on speech comprehension, it remains unclear whether visual cues to speech rate also influence subsequent spoken word recognition. In two “Go Fish”–like experiments, participants were presented with audio-only (auditory speech + fixation cross), visual-only (mute videos of talking head), and audiovisual (speech + videos) context sentences, followed by ambiguous target words containing vowels midway between short /ɑ/ and long /a:/. In Experiment 1, target words were always presented auditorily, without visual articulatory cues. Although the audio-only and audiovisual contexts induced a rate effect (i.e., more long /a:/ responses after fast contexts), the visual-only condition did not. When, in Experiment 2, target words were presented audiovisually, rate effects were observed in all three conditions, including visual-only. This suggests that visual cues to speech rate in a context sentence influence the perception of following visual target cues (e.g., duration of lip aperture), which at an audiovisual integration stage bias participants’ target categorisation responses. These findings contribute to a better understanding of how what we see influences what we hear.

Intrasentential binding and extrasentential binding in child and adult Korean

This article investigates the binding properties of the Korean reflexive caki. Korean caki allows a local antecedent, a long-distance sentence-internal antecedent, and (unusually) an extrasentential antecedent. Two experiments were conducted with Korean-speaking child participants (mean age = 5;8; age range = 5;1–6;4) and adult controls. The first tested local binding versus long-distance intrasentential binding, and the second tested extrasentential binding. The results show, first, that the children allowed both a local and a long-distance antecedent for caki, with a preference for the long-distance reading (counter to many claims that children show a robust preference for local antecedents crosslinguistically). Second, the children allowed caki to refer to an antecedent in a preceding sentence. These results indicate that, at an early stage, Korean children have acquired adult-like knowledge of the complex properties of caki, including what might be considered the computationally taxing option of extrasentential binding.

Kohesi pada Novel Cinta Suci Zahrana Karya Habiburahman El Shirazy

This study aims to determine the cohesion marker used in the Cinta Suci Zahrana novel especially in the last chapter titled Cinta Suci Zahrana. This research uses qualitative research method with content analysis technique. The data in this research is cohesion in Novel Cinta Suci Zahrana by Habiburrahman El Shirazy. The source of data is the novel of Cinta Suci Zahrana by Habiburrahman El Shirazy. The data on the cohesion in the novel of the Cinta Suci Zahrana by Habiburrahman El Shirazy is analyzed by steps in tracking the relationship of every two sentences in pairs, ie the relationship between a sentence with a preceding sentence characterized by the use of the cohesion marker. The results of research based on cohesion mechanisms between the sentences contained in the novel Cinta Suci Zahrana by Habiburrahman El Shirazy there is a grammatical cohesion which includes referring, replacing, and sequencing. In addition, lexical cohesion is used which includes repetition, antonymy, collocation, hyponimi, and equivalence. Keywords: Cohesion, Novels, Discourse Analysis

The interpretation of focused pronouns in Norwegian children and adults

Earlier research states that if an unaccented pronoun refers to the subject of the preceding sentence, a focally accented pronoun will refer to the object. In the current study, we tested whether Norwegian adults select the intended pronoun referent in this context. Our study is also the first one to use eye-tracking to investigate children's developing sensitivity to intonational cues in pronoun resolution, and consequently the first one where Norwegian is the object language. The participants were monolingual 3-, 5-, and 7-year-old children, and a group of adults. They listened to the Norwegian version of utterances like ‘Sarai hugged Mariaj. Then shei/SHEj hugged her own teddy bear’, while watching two corresponding figures on a screen. This was followed by the question, in Norwegian, ‘Who hugged her own teddybear?’ When answering the question, the adults selected the subject referent (Sara) after unaccented pronouns, and the object referent (Maria) after focally accented pronouns. Eye-tracking data revealed that the 7-year-olds initially looked towards the object referent after hearing the pronoun, and then switched to look at the subject referent, regardless of the pronoun's intonation. The 5-year-olds answered the question by selecting the intended referent more often after a focally accented pronoun than after an unaccented one. Finally, the 3-year-olds showed no clear preferences. These results suggest that Norwegian children under the age of seven are still not adult-like when resolving accented and unaccented pronouns.

Parafoveal preview effects depend on both preview plausibility and target predictability

Recent studies using the boundary paradigm have shown that readers benefit from a parafoveal preview of a plausible continuation of the sentence. This plausibility preview effect occurs irrespective of the semantic or orthographic relatedness of the preview and target word, suggesting that it depends on the degree to which a preview word fits the preceding context. The present study tested this hypothesis by examining the impact of contextual constraint on processing a plausible word in the parafovea. Participants’ eye movements were recorded as they read sentences in which a target word was either highly predictable or unpredictable. The boundary paradigm was used to compare predictable, unpredictable, and implausible previews. The results showed that target predictability significantly modulated the effects of identical and plausible previews. Identical previews yielded significantly more benefit than plausible previews for highly predictable targets, but for unpredictable targets a plausible preview was as beneficial as an identical preview. The results shed light on the role of contextual predictability in early lexical processing. Furthermore, these data support the view that readers activate a set of appropriate words from the preceding sentence context, prior to the presentation of the target word.