Integrating CDA with ideological rhetorical criticism in the investigation of Abe Cabinet’s discursive construction in “Indo-Pacific Strategy”

Author(s):  
Weiqi Tian ◽  
Hongmei Chai ◽  
Lin Lu

Abstract In recent years, the Indo-Pacific strategy and the Quad concept have been introduced and advocated by various countries. Since the second term of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, the “Indo-Pacific Strategy” has been widely promoted. Assisted by corpus linguistics, this paper aims to explore the implicit ideology by providing insight into the context model from CDA perspective, and to decode the discursive construction by combining “ideographs” and “policy triggers” as Ideological Rhetorical Criticism instructed. The study shows these political texts are rich in forms of rhetorical strategies of “routinization”, “hegemony”, “uniformization” and “naturalization” used to construct a discursive system to distinguish “them” from “us”, so that to realize political aims.

Asian Survey ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 477-497
Author(s):  
Nathaniel B. Thayer

2020 ◽  
Vol 21-22 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49
Author(s):  
Radcliffe G. Edmonds

AbstractAn analysis of the rhetorical strategies used in the so-called Greek Magical Papyri to bolster the authority of the authors provides insight into the authors of these texts and their intended audiences. This article reviews the scholarship on the identity of the composers of the Greek Magical Papyri and explores the rhetorical strategies used in the texts to create authority, before comparing the dominant strategies in the Greek Magical Papyri with similar ones in other kinds of recipe collections, specifically alchemical and medical texts. The authors of the recipes in the Greek Magical Papyri make little use of the traditional authority of the temples but instead justify their claims of superiority with reference to the amazing efficacy of the procedures they describe. The direct, second person address in formulas such as “and you will be amazed” suggests that the intended audience was imagined not as potential clients who need to be convinced of the author’s expertise, but rather as potential practitioners interested in impressing their own clients.


2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nugus

Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy

Abstract In this article, I examine a corpus of texts that address the 1973 war; these texts cover the period from 1981 to 2011, marking the beginning and end of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), I explore how Mubarak’s regime employed the war to legitimize its power and defend its policies by deploying longstanding culturally-embedded ‘macro themes’. These macro themes refer to the war as an overwhelming and undisputed ‘Egyptian victory’ and, more significantly, they portray Mubarak himself as ‘war personified/war personalized’. The analysis of linguistic and extra-linguistic features in al-Ahram newspaper (the mouthpiece of the state), among other media texts on the war, show how the discursive construction was made consistent, coherent and resonant in a managed context that characterized the political and media landscapes. Depending on unique access to those who produced, edited and even censored the texts under analysis, this method unravels a complex set of cultural messages and conventions about the war, and fills a lacuna in the literature by offering insight into the deliberate and well-coordinated process of shaping and reshaping a specific discourse for a specific purpose.


2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-237
Author(s):  
J K SACHDEVA

India and Japan share a special relationship as fellow democracies seeking greater economic engagement in Asia. The major traded commodities changed from cotton-related products in the early 1900s to heavy machinery in the 1970s.   During the same period heavy industrial products were the major export commodities from Japan besides metal and metal products like iron and steel and steel plates. The 1980s marked the beginning of a new phase in Indo-Japan relations with the establishment of  the Maruti-Suzuki plant. There was a minor set back in relation in 1999 when India went through its nuclear test. In August 2000, however, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori made a visit to India that helped propel ties forward. The relations have further been strengthened with the visit of Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama in 2009. This paper attempts to analyze imports and exports of commodities and products to and fro these countries to see the effect of bilateral relations on trade, after India initiated trade reforms in 1991. Data under HSN systems has been gathered from UNCOMTRADE database and grouped under heads as Agricultural commodities, products from food industry, earth crest, manufactured products, electronics and others. The time series has been analysed using dummy variables for trade reforms and tie ups. Potential products shall be explored using market share - growth matrix. Series has been detrended to see how variables responsible for trade between two countries adjust themselves in short run.  


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chad Nilep

Preprint of chapter from Hodges, Adam (ed) Discourses of War and Peace. 2013 Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-993727-1This chapter discusses a plan to relocate US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, and focuses particularly on charges that former Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama failed to deliver on a promise to remove the base from Okinawa in 2010. The promise of action came not from any particular speech by Mr. Hatoyama, but was an interdiscursive achievement involving many individuals. A metaphorical promise is defined as an expectation of future action created not through any specific speech act but through complexes of social interaction.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gideon Doron ◽  
Maoz Rosenthal

AbstractPolitical losers' theory claims that political losers can move to a winning position if they turn the tables and change the situation completely. Our analysis shows that political losers can become winners by maintaining their favored option on the agenda. If the alternatives promoted by the political winners collapse and the losers have access to the winners' agenda, then there can be a situation in which the losers' favored alternative might be adopted. The 1993 Oslo Agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) illustrates this. We show how a team of political losers facilitated an alternative that the political winner – Israel's Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin – eventually had to adopt when his more favored options for negotiations became irrelevant. Thus, this narrative offers a complementary explanation to existing explanations of the Oslo Agreement, applies political losers' theory and provides further insight into the influence of domestic politics on international negotiations.


2003 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Saxton

In October 2001, it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard in order to manipulate the Australian Navy to pick them up and take them to Australian territory. In response to this incident, Prime Minister John Howard announced on radio 3LO: ‘I certainly don't want people like that here.’ (Mares, 2002: 135) A discursive approach is adopted in this paper to examine how asylum seekers have been constructed to be ‘people like that’ in the print media. The analysis demonstrates that asylum seekers have been represented as illegal, non-genuine and threatening in these texts. These representations were employed within nationalist discourse to legitimate the government's actions and public opinion concerning asylum seekers and to manage the delicate issue of national identity. The discursive management of the collective identity of asylum seekers by the dominant culture to construct a specific social reality is discussed and illustrated.


Author(s):  
Mark Goodman ◽  
Stephen Brandon ◽  
Melody Fisher

<p>In 1968 social movements sparked rhetorical discourses which occurred in many nations and on hundreds of colleges and in communities across the United States.  These rhetorical discourses ultimately changed the direction of human events.  Sometimes these points of ideological protests shared views on specific issues, especially demonstrations against the Vietnam War, but each conflict was also its own local conflict.  There is no evidence that any specific group organized the protests, or that speakers motivated demonstrations, or that the rhetoric of one protest caused other protests.  Yet, the protests were not just spontaneous fires that happened to occur in the same year. So, how is it that so many protesters shared the desire for change and shared rhetoric, but each protest was sparked by local issues?  Answering that question provides insight into how the rhetoric of social movements occurred in 1968. </p><p>               Many scholars call for the study of the social movements of the 1960s.  Jensen (1996) argues, “The events of the 1960s dramatically increased the interest in studying social movements and forced rhetorical scholars to reconsider their methods for studying public discourse” (p. 28). To Lucas (2006), “Words became weapons in the cultural conflict that divided America” (x). Schippa (2001) wrote, “Many accounts identify the 1960s as a turning point. For better or for worse, there was a confluence of changing rhetorical practices, expanding rhetorical theories, and opportunities for rhetorical criticism. The cultural clashes of the 1960s were felt perhaps most acutely on college campuses. The sufficiency of deliberative argument and public address can be said to have been called into question, whether one was an antiwar activist who hated LBJ's war in Vietnam or a pro-establishment stalwart trying to make sense of the rhetoric of protest and demonstration. Years later, scholars would characterize war itself as rhetorical. What counted as rhetorical practice was up for grabs”(p. 261).</p>               First, this paper will frame the protest movement of 1968.  Then, we will search for the common factors that shaped the protests of 1968, focusing on the role of music. This analysis will provide insight into how music became a rhetorical force in a significant social movement of the 20th Century.


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