On Yoking the Economic Forces to the Social Car

1942 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. Divine
Keyword(s):  
1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Azham Md. Ali

This work investigates the role and contribution of external auditing as practised in Malaysian society during the forty year period from independence in 1957 to just before the onset of Asian Financial Crisis in 1997.  It applies the political economic theory introduced by Tinker (1980) and refined by Cooper & Sherer (1984), which emphasises the social relations aspects of professional activity rather than economic forces alone. In a case study format where qualitative data were gathered mainly from primary and secondary source materials, the study has found that the function of auditing in Malaysian society in most cases is devoid of any essence of mission; instead it is created, shaped and changed by the pressures which give rise to its development over time. The largely insignificant role that it serves is intertwined with the contexts in which it operates. 


Author(s):  
Essien Essien

The advent of the social media revolution in contemporary time has had a phenomenal impact in almost every area of human endeavor in many societies. However, social media has some credibility burden that could hinder its effective use and also produce unintended consequences such as political propaganda, and other unwholesome activities as it affects politics and governance. This study sought to assess the nexus between social media, political scandal and good governance in Nigeria. It also assessed the success or otherwise of the institutional counter-measures in checkmating the excesses of social media. Situated within the framework of reputation repair and social responsibility theories, the paper acknowledges that the conventional mass media has ties with the political and economic forces in the society, thus, are somewhat incapacitated in rising to the societal challenges. Consequently, the paper presents the social media as a veritable alternative, arguing that social media tools have what it takes to serve as a platform for citizen participation in governance.


Author(s):  
Jim Crowther ◽  
Aileen Ackland ◽  
Margaret Petrie ◽  
David Wallace

Historically, the relationship between adult education and democracy has been one of mutual synergy with education providing the context for thoughtful reflection and democratic action. The social purpose of adult education was precisely in its contribution to making the world a more socially just and more democratic place. However, this relationship has been eroded over the years as adult education and democratic life have become increasingly distanced from each other. Can this be repaired? This is the central theme of this entry, which is explored through trends relating to adult education, community, and democracy, and articulated through the particular experiences of the Scottish context we are familiar with. This article argues that adult education can enrich democratic culture and practice and that in turn democratic issues and debates can energize and stimulate adult education. While the Scottish lens is distinctive, our argument has a broader reference point, as the neoliberal economic forces and subjectivities shaping adult education are global and pervasive, busily percolating in, down and across all sectors and levels of education. Our claim is that adult education can still play a critical role in nurturing democratic life. Rather than abandon democracy, the task of education is to deepen it at all levels and ensure politics is educative. From this view, adult education for democracy can reinvigorate the culture and institutions of democracy and, in the process, help to reclaim the lodestone—or soul—of adult education. For some readers, this may seem a nebulous idea; however, for others it will mean that which animates what is worthwhile in adult education. A profession without a soul is a dead one. This article is a collaborative effort that draws from different university institutions involved in the training and formation of community educators. Together these institutions represent a spectrum of the Scottish university sector involved in this work and bring to this analysis considerable experience. Although different interests and distinctive emphases are represented in the perspectives here, this entry focuses on common ideas and values. We start therefore by situating ourselves in terms of professional, political, ideological, and theoretical orientations.


Author(s):  
Tânia Bacelar de Araújo

O texto reproduz, no essencial, as idéias apresentadas em mesa-redonda do 8º Encontro Nacional da ANPUR, realizado em Porto Alegre, em 1999. Após um breve exame das principais características e tendências do ambiente mundial e brasileiro neste final de século, em especial a partir dos anos 70, examina-se os impactos dessas tendências na dinâmica regional no Brasil, nos anos recentes. A seguir, identificam-se as escolhas estratégicas feitas pelas forças sociais e econômicas que dominam o cenário político do País, as políticas principais que as implementam, nos anos 90, e busca-se especular sobre os prováveis impactos na dinâmica regional brasileira. Argumentos são, então, apresentados sobre duas hipóteses principais: a do estancamento da tendência à desconcentração, que dominou dos anos 70 até meados dos 80, e a tendência à fragmentação do País. Ao final, identificam-se algumas contratendências e destaca-se a importância de o Governo Federal definir e implementar uma política nacional de desenvolvimento regional. Palavras-chave: desenvolvimento regional; globalização e dinâmica regional; Nordeste brasileiro. Abstract: This paper essentially reproduces ideas presented at the Round Table of the Eighth National Anpur Meeting, held in Porto Alegre in 1999. First there is a brief overview, from both global and Brazilian perspectives, of the principal trends characterising the end of the century, especially since the seventies. An examination of the impact of these trends on the regional dynamics of Brazil over recent years follows. The strategic choices made by the social and economic forces that dominate the country’s political scenario and the principal policies that have implemented them in the 90s are then identified, followed by speculation on their probable impact on Brazilian regional dynamics. Arguments are subsequently presented in support of two principal hypotheses: the stalling of the deconcentrational trend that was dominant between the seventies and the mid-80s, and the trend towards the fragmentation of the country. Finally, some contra-trends are identified and the importance of the Federal Government defining and implementing a national policy for regional development is highlighted. Keywords: regional development; globalization and regional dynamics; Northeast Brazil.


Author(s):  
Guofu Tan ◽  
Junjie Zhou

Abstract We study price competition and entry of platforms in multi-sided markets. Utilizing the simplicity of the equilibrium pricing formula in our setting with heterogeneity of customers’ membership benefits, we demonstrate that in the presence of externalities, the standard effects of competition can be reversed: as platform competition increases, prices, and platform profits can go up and consumer surplus can go down. We identify economic forces that jointly determine the social inefficiency of the free-entry equilibrium and provide conditions under which free entry is socially excessive as well as an example in which free entry is socially insufficient.


Author(s):  
Alain Pottage

Marcel Mauss’ The Gift is an original and unique anthropology of law. Law is the object and medium of the analysis, and the conceptual and political strategies of the text are closely adapted to the symptomatic tensions that Mauss elicits from law. And for Mauss these tensions were concentrated in one particular legal institution – the archaic Roman institution of nexum. As I argue in this chapter, the technicalities of the legal institution of nexum – however they are now recollected – should be seen as largely subordinate to the social-structural and economic forces that shaped ancient Roman society. And this approach might in turn lead to a set of questions that Mauss would have found entirely pertinent, as to what nexum might tell us about the genealogy or deep infrastructure of debt and precarity in contemporary societies.


2017 ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Jiat-Hwee Chang

This article situates the emergence of pioneer modern architects and architecture of Singapore in the longer history of colonial and post-colonial modernities and modernization, and in relation to socio-economic forces of capitalism and socio-political influences of the modern state in both the colonial and post-colonial eras. Rather than understand modern architecture in terms of style, this article goes behind style to explore the social, economic, technological and political conditions of producing modern architecture.


1929 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Dickinson

No present political tendency is more marked than the extension of law to cover ever wider fields of conduct. Political scientists and constitutional lawyers have come to recognize that this tendency can be properly assessed only by examining how law operates in contrast and connection with other agencies of order such as custom, ethics, religion, and economic forces. When one wishes to understand the failure of such laws as the Sherman Anti-Trust Act or the Volstead Act to accomplish the results expected of them, or when one wishes to form a judgment of the effects to be anticipated from the operation of a minimumwage law or from the codification of international law, it is important to understand the relation to the other forces which are giving direction to human conduct. There are regularities and patterns of adjustment in human behavior due to other causes than law administered by government; and these regularities not only work at times toward the same, or some of the same, ends which it is sought to attain by law, but at times they form a highly resistant part of the material against which law must work. An effort will be made in this paper to present the problem of law and government as part and parcel of the whole wider problem of social order, beginning with an attempt to understand the nature and operation of what may be called the “non-political” agencies of order. The task is facilitated by the contributions which anthropology has made to our knowledge of primitive peoples, and by the light which psychology has shed on the springs of conduct. We no longer have to rely like Hobbes and Rousseau on a naive theory of human nature or upon a fancy-picture of savage life. The outstanding result of the newer contributions has been to emphasize the central significance of the principle of relativity in the social no less than the physical sciences.


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