Regime-building, identity-making and foreign policy: neo-Eurasianist rhetoric in post-Soviet Kazakhstan

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 733-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Anceschi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Key Driver

This article illustrates the evolution experienced by the identity-making strategies pursued through the propagandistic exploitation of Kazakhstani foreign policy. Periodical readjustments in the focus of foreign policy rhetoric led the Kazakhstani regime to reshape the identity of the population, in order to promote forms of self-perception almost exclusively associable with the leadership that ruled the country in the post-Soviet era. Identity-making, in this context, became a crucial link in (and a key driver for) the progressive subjugation of foreign policy rhetoric to the logic of regime-building, intended here as the ensemble of concerted efforts aimed to increase the population's compliance with the leaderships' authoritarian outlooks.

Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Aid

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Dann ◽  
Martin Wortmann
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
The World

Development cooperation and humanitarian aid constitute central instruments of the European Union’s foreign policy. They help shape the Union’s relation with neighbouring countries, foster ties with traditional and new allies, and advance European interests in the world. They are also central for the Union’s position and visibility in the world, as they inject European ideas into developments around the globe. Ultimately, these policy areas are fundamental for the Union’s self-perception as an increasingly active, value-based, international actor.

scholarly journals Michal Kolmaš: National Identity and Japanese Revisionism

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-114
Author(s):  
Jakub Harašta
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
World War ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Institutional Forces ◽  
Radical Shift

Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.

A Review of Thailand's Foreign Policy in Mainland Southeast Asia: Exploring an Ideational Approach

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-154 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Economic Rationale ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Regional Projects ◽  
Mainland Southeast Asia

AbstractIn the post-Cold War period, mainland Southeast Asia has been significantly marked by peace and stability, despite occasional bilateral tensions among neighbouring countries. Within this environment Thailand has been a primary advocate for various sub-regional co-operation initiatives since the early 1990s. Interestingly, these regional projects have mainly been Thailand's own self-initiated version, in which Thailand acts as the main co-ordinator, sometimes bypassing broader regional entities, especially ASEAN. Conventional wisdom may explain this phenomenon by resorting to the economic rationale in Thai foreign policy. However, in some circumstances economic benefit is not a decisive factor considering associated costs. This article, therefore, proposes to use an ideational lens to reassess Thailand's regional leadership by focusing on the role of self-perception/identity in determining Thailand's foreign policy preferences. It argues that Thailand's identity as a leading country in mainland Southeast Asia helps sustain its active role in sub-regional endeavours. The Quadrangle Economic Co-operation (QEC) initiative is examined here to show the intervention of Thailand's self-perception in the endurance of its leadership in this regional initiative.

scholarly journals The Islamic Republic of Iran in Search of its Foreign Policy Identity: Revolutionary Innovation or Continuity?

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-162
Author(s):  
N. A. Kozhanov ◽  
A. S. Bogacheva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Great Role ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
The Past ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Definition Of

Self-perception in the international arena plays a great role in the development of a country's foreign policy strategy. Not all states can answer the question «who are we in relation to others»? In particular, we can describe the past 20 century and the first decades of the 21st century as the time of Tehran's search for its foreign policy identity, which is not finished even today. Despite many discussion, the Iranian political elite has not only failed to find a single definition of its foreign policy selfhood, but has produced several more formulas of its own identity, which often contradict each other, although they coexist. The events of 1979, when the new leadership that came to power in the course of revolutionary upheavals announced the rejection of the traditions of the Shah's Iran and the building of a new "revolutionary" nation with its own special foreign policy identity, had a significant impact on the process of forming the Iranian selfhood. The article analyzes the main trends that exist in the Iranian foreign policy self-perception, in order to confirm the hypothesis that the «revolutionary experiment» did not lead to a break in the continuity in the issue of Iranian self-identification. On the contrary, there is an attempt by the country's leadership to combine Islamic, revolutionary and nationalist principles in determining the role of their country in the international arena, which let us speak about the multi-component foreign policy identity of modern Iran.

The Pendulum of Majoritarianism: Turkey’s Governmental Self-Identity and Turkish–Egyptian Relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 234779892199919
Author(s):  
Mustafa Onur Tetik
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Policy Field ◽  
Identity Discourses

Turkey’s relations with Egypt abruptly hit rock bottom following the Egyptian army’s ousting of Mohammed Morsi in July 2013. Despite significant political fluctuations between the two countries, there is a gap in academic literature about addressing alterations in Turkish–Egyptian relations holistically. To this end, this article proposes that Turkey’s volatile relationship with the Egyptian governments since the so-called Arab Spring is partially a reflection of broader institutional changes in Turkey’s domestic settings. One of these salient changes is the discursive transformation of Turkish national self-perception. This article shows how Turkey’s new governmental self-understanding of “majoritarianism” manifests in its relations with Egypt. It asserts that this transformation in the governmental perception of the national-self made Turkey’s policies on Egypt, which oscillate between one extreme to another, “conceivable/thinkable” via the medium of national identity discourses. It shows the interplay between the governmental identity discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) elites and Turkey’s policies on Egypt in the institutional/non-discursive foreign policy field.

Maxims of Foreign Policy

Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
Japanese Identity

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

Perceptions of Stuttering of Different Age Groups

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 1311-1315
Author(s):  
Sergey M. Kondrashov ◽  
John A. Tetnowski
Keyword(s):  
Age Groups ◽  
School Age Children ◽  
Clinical Implications ◽  
School Age ◽  
Fourth Edition ◽  
Self Perception ◽  
Behavioral Measures ◽  
Self Rating ◽  
Comparison Results ◽  
Subject Pool

Purpose The purpose of this study was to assess the perceptions of stuttering of school-age children who stutter and those of adults who stutter through the use of the same tools that could be commonly used by clinicians. Method Twenty-three participants across various ages and stuttering severity were administered both the Stuttering Severity Instrument–Fourth Edition (SSI-4; Riley, 2009 ) and the Wright & Ayre Stuttering Self-Rating Profile ( Wright & Ayre, 2000 ). Comparisons were made between severity of behavioral measures of stuttering made by the SSI-4 and by age (child/adult). Results Significant differences were obtained for the age comparison but not for the severity comparison. Results are explained in terms of the correlation between severity equivalents of the SSI-4 and the Wright & Ayre Stuttering Self-Rating Profile scores, with clinical implications justifying multi-aspect assessment. Conclusions Clinical implications indicate that self-perception and impact of stuttering must not be assumed and should be evaluated for individual participants. Research implications include further study with a larger subject pool and various levels of stuttering severity.

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