Does it matter for the economy to have a conservative or liberal government in Korea? Political parties and business cycle in South Korea, 1998–2019

Author(s):  
Jaejoon Woo
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tryphon Kollintzas ◽  
Dimitris Papageorgiou ◽  
Vanghelis Vassilatos

In this paper, we develop a two sector DSGE model with market and political power interactions. These interactions are motivated by the politico-economic systems of several South European countries, over the last half century. In these countries the state permits the existence of industries, typically related to the extended public sector, where firms and workers employed therein have market power (insiders), unlike other firms and workers in the economy (outsiders), as insiders, that dominate the major political parties, cooperate to influence government decisions, including those that pertain to the very existence of such a politico-economic system. Consistently with stylized facts of growth and the business cycle of these countries, the model predicts: (i) large negative deviations of per capita GDP from what these countries would have been capable of, if their politico-economic system was not characterized by the above mentioned frictions; and (ii) deeper and longer recessions in response to negative shocks, as their politico-economic system reacts so as to amplify these shocks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-290
Author(s):  
Byunghwan Son

AbstractHow do ordinary citizens view labor unions? The importance of public opinion about unions has rarely been highlighted in the contemporary literature on labor politics. Using five waves of the World Value Surveys on South Korea, this article suggests that public confidence in labor unions is significantly affected by individuals’ interpersonal trust, conditional on their perception of the political representation of labor. Unlike those with high levels of trust, low-trust individuals view unions as an agent seeking their exclusionary interests at the expense of the rest of the society. The difference between high- and low-trust individuals’ confidence in labor unions is more pronounced when a liberal, rather than a conservative, government is in power because of the public perception that labor interests are already well-represented by the liberal government and union functions are redundant in such a circumstances. The empirical findings are found robust to alternative theoretical arguments and empirical techniques.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 464-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olli Hellmann

AbstractThe existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strategic responses to electoral markets. Party organizations reproduce and change, as advantaged factions defend the status quo, while disadvantaged factions work towards organizational reform.


1967 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soon Sung Cho

Since the April 1960 student-led revolution there, debate in South Korea on the peaceful unification of the two Koreas has increased in frequency, intensity, and popularity among students, intellectuals, political parties, and other social groups. Popular support for independent and peaceful unification is rapidly mounting. This changing mood may be due to more effective North Korean propaganda as well as to the unhappy economic conditions in South Korea. In response to North Korea's aggressive unification campaign, the ROK (Republic of Korea) government has found it necessary to set up a research organization dedicated solely to the study of problems of unification.


Significance The day before, however, a Blue House meeting with leaders of three main political parties saw no agreement nor any joint statement. Park angrily denied opposition charges that she is exploiting the security situation for political purposes. Impacts Factional and succession struggles could yet fracture Park's conservative Saenuri party. To regain the Blue House the two liberal parties must reunite behind a single candidate; that will be difficult. Pyongyang knows Park's time is limited and will be planning for her successor, who may approach the North differently. Praise from ratings agencies cuts little ice with voters. The woes of shipper Hanjin, plus a September 12 earthquake, bolster impressions that Park cannot handle crises.


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