State subsidies for political parties in Germany and South Korea: a comparison from the perspectives of system operation and legislative control

Author(s):  
Seong Soo Kim ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
Maria Spirova

Much has been written about what makes political parties form, persist, change and die. One factor often brought into this discussion is the availability of resources in general and of state financing of political parties in particular. However, an empirical link at the aggregate level is difficult to establish because of various issues of conceptualization, operationalization and measurement. Working at the party level and taking into consideration that state funding provides important resources that make running in elections and achieving a party’s electoral target more likely, this article provides empirical support for the claim that parties who (anticipate to be or) are being funded by the state have a higher chance of forming and surviving in an independent format in the party system. Based on a comparison of 14 post-communist party systems, the main conclusion of the article is that the survival rate for such parties exceeds the survival rate for the non-publicly funded ones in almost all cases. A second, novel and more particular, finding is that parties who find themselves outside parliament, but above the payout threshold, display higher survival rates than parties who are below it.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 464-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olli Hellmann

AbstractThe existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strategic responses to electoral markets. Party organizations reproduce and change, as advantaged factions defend the status quo, while disadvantaged factions work towards organizational reform.


1967 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soon Sung Cho

Since the April 1960 student-led revolution there, debate in South Korea on the peaceful unification of the two Koreas has increased in frequency, intensity, and popularity among students, intellectuals, political parties, and other social groups. Popular support for independent and peaceful unification is rapidly mounting. This changing mood may be due to more effective North Korean propaganda as well as to the unhappy economic conditions in South Korea. In response to North Korea's aggressive unification campaign, the ROK (Republic of Korea) government has found it necessary to set up a research organization dedicated solely to the study of problems of unification.


Significance The day before, however, a Blue House meeting with leaders of three main political parties saw no agreement nor any joint statement. Park angrily denied opposition charges that she is exploiting the security situation for political purposes. Impacts Factional and succession struggles could yet fracture Park's conservative Saenuri party. To regain the Blue House the two liberal parties must reunite behind a single candidate; that will be difficult. Pyongyang knows Park's time is limited and will be planning for her successor, who may approach the North differently. Praise from ratings agencies cuts little ice with voters. The woes of shipper Hanjin, plus a September 12 earthquake, bolster impressions that Park cannot handle crises.


Author(s):  
Ingrid van Biezen ◽  
Petr Kopecký

This chapter addresses the role of public funding in party organizational transformation. Focusing mainly on European democracies, and using the new systematic data obtained from the Political Party Database, this chapter makes two contributions to the party politics literature. First, a range of existing findings about the importance of state subsidies for party life are re-examined, probing in particular the extent to which party incomes depend on public funding, as opposed to private donations and membership fees. Second, the association between parties’ dependence on state subsidies and party organization is explored, probing in particular the relationship between public monies and the size of parties’ memberships. Unlike the first exploration, which largely confirms most existing conclusions about the patterns of party financing, the findings from the second exploration appear to be more challenging: contrary to usual expectations, state funding of political parties does not necessarily undermine party membership.


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather MacIvor

AbstractThis article summarizes the cartel model of party structure and tests it against the experience of the Canadian party system in the 1990s. Four claims are evaluated: that the three dominant parties in the House of Commons before 1993 colluded to exclude new parties; that they used state subsidies in their own interest; that the 1993 election result was a backlash against the cartel parties; and that Canadian parties are adopting new leadership selection methods in order to allow their leaders greater autonomy. The article concludes that the first two claims are valid while the latter two are not, and discusses some of the implications of these findings for Canadian parties and for the cartel model itself.


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