scholarly journals Uruguay—Getting Rid of Critics

1977 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Nissa Torrents

Until the 1960s, Uruguay enjoyed a unique reputation in Latin America. In a continent renowned for its political instability, extremes of wealth and poverty and endemic violence, Uruguay was for many years an island of parliamentary democracy, with respect for civil liberties and human rights, advanced social welfare legislation and a high per capita income. In this atmosphere, intellectual and cultural life flourished, Uruguay was a haven for persecuted intellectuals from the rest of the continent, educational standards were high and the country boasted the lowest illiteracy rates in the continent. The weekly Marcha was widely regarded as the best of its kind in Latin America. This picture began to change in the sixties. Economic stagnation, a rising rate of inflation and rapidly declining living standards led to intensified social conflict and political tensions. Uruguay's traditional liberal values were gradually undermined as the state became increasingly more authoritarian. Under the government of Pacheco Areco (1968–71), press censorship was introduced, emergency powers came into almost continuous use, and cases of police brutality against students and striking workers became more and more frequent. The emergence of an urban guerrilla organisation, the Tupamaros, in the late 1960s increased this climate of repression. The civil/military coup of 1973 was thus a culmination of a long process. That year saw the closing of parliament, the banning of political parties and trade unions and military intervention in the university. The persecution of the opposition, whether liberal, democratic, conservative or socialist, has since involved the imprisonment, torture and forced exile of vast numbers of intellectuals, a process which has been described as ‘cultural genocide’. The following article briefly outlines what has taken place since the coup. It is accompanied by some short stories, written by Eduardo Galeano, who now lives in exile in Spain.

2009 ◽  
Vol 66 (01) ◽  
pp. 81-106
Author(s):  
Howard J. Wiarda

The field of Latin American Studies owes much to Professor Howard J. Wiarda, whose pioneering work on “corporatism” and political culture during the 1960s and 1970s helped establish a new conceptual paradigm for interpreting the persistence of corporately defined, institutional identities throughout Latin America, despite the purported triumph of the “Liberal Tradition.” A child of Dutch parents, his early travels throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America sparked a keen interest in the question of “third world development.” Entering graduate school in the early 1960s, Professor Wiarda gravitated to the newly emergent field of modernization studies at the University of Florida, where he received his masters and doctorate degrees in Latin American politics. It was a time of tremendous social ferment in Latin America and his early fieldwork took him to the Dominican Republic, Mexico and Brazil, among other places. In each instance, he found recognizable patterns that transcended geographic locations, patterns that seemed to directly challenge the predominant arguments set forth in the modernization literature at the time.


Author(s):  
Megan Asaka

The Japanese American Redress Movement refers to the various efforts of Japanese Americans from the 1940s to the 1980s to obtain restitution for their removal and confinement during World War II. This included judicial and legislative campaigns at local, state, and federal levels for recognition of government wrongdoing and compensation for losses, both material and immaterial. The push for redress originated in the late 1940s as the Cold War opened up opportunities for Japanese Americans to demand concessions from the government. During the 1960s and 1970s, Japanese Americans began to connect the struggle for redress with anti-racist and anti-imperialist movements of the time. Despite their growing political divisions, Japanese Americans came together to launch several successful campaigns that laid the groundwork for redress. During the early 1980s, the government increased its involvement in redress by forming a congressional commission to conduct an official review of the World War II incarceration. The commission’s recommendations of monetary payments and an official apology paved the way for the passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 and other redress actions. Beyond its legislative and judicial victories, the redress movement also created a space for collective healing and generated new forms of activism that continue into the present.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Pollack

It is common knowledge that, prior to the military coup of 1973, Chile was the only Latin American country to have strong workers' political parties of the European type. Many reasons have been given for this phenomenon, but it is clear that Chile has been the only country in Latin-America to allow the development of Marxist parties with strong appeal and a strong following, within the framework of what could be called liberal, democratic processes. Up to 1970, the electoral force of the Socialist and Communist Parties in Chile oscillated between 20 and 30 per cent of the total national electorate. This rose to more than 40 per cent during 1975.


2008 ◽  
Vol 34 (S1) ◽  
pp. 21-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
COSTAS M. CONSTANTINOU

This interview was conducted over the Internet between February and April 2006. Armand Mattelart is Emeritus Professor of Information and Communication Sciences at the University of Paris VIII. From 1962 to 1973 he was Professor of Sociology of Population and Communication at the Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, and United Nations expert in social development. During the Popular Unity period (1970–73), he worked with the Government of President Salvador Allende until the military coup of September 1973, when he was expelled from Chile. Between 1975 and 1982, he taught at the University of Paris VII and Paris VIII, and, between 1983 and 1997, as founding member of the Communications Department at the University of Rennes 2 (Haute-Bretagne). He has carried out numerous research and teaching missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. His research interests include communication theory and history, media studies and international communication. He has authored and co-authored numerous books, translated into many languages, including: Advertising International: The Privatization of Public Space (1991); Mapping World Communication: War, Progress, Culture (1994), The Invention of Communication (1996), Networking the World 1794–2000 (2000), The Information Society: An Introduction (2003), and, with Michèle Mattelart, Rethinking Media Theory: Signposts and New Directions (1992); The Carnival of Images: Brazilian Television Fiction (1990) and Theories of Communication: A Short Introduction (1998). His most recent book, published in French, is: La Globalisation de la Surveillance: Aux Origines de l’Ordre Sécuritaire (September 2007).


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret E. Crahan

Unlike churches in the rest of Latin America, those in Cuba did not embark at the outset of the 1960s on a period of liberalization and innovation in theology, pastoral forms, lay participation and political strategies. Rather, the coming to power in 1959 of a revolutionary government and the initiation of substantial societal restructuring reinforced conservatism within the churches. Strong challenges to the legitimacy of the government by the churches from 1959 through 1961 were not effective due largely to institutional limitations and their identification as bulwarks of prerevolutionary structures. Hence, in spite of a marked increase in participation and contributions, the churches' counterrevolutionary stance had limited impact. Contributing to this was the exodus of many religious activists to the United States and Spain, and a turning in upon themselves by the churches which came to serve as refuges from change.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-501
Author(s):  
John F. N. Bradley

This article deals with the political development in Czechoslovakia 1945–1948, a crucial period in Eastern Europe for a liberal democratic system in that country. In 1945 the Soviet leader, Stalin, gave his personal approval for this experiment to go on and the Czechoslovak communist party followed his instruction, participating fully in the government. As in international affairs Czechoslovakia was to act as a bridge between the West and East; internally it was to serve as a model of peaceful transition from “bourgeois” democracy to “people's” democracy. The model is examined in some detail. Since attempts were made in 1968 to re-establish it in the new conditions of the 1960s, it was accepted as a political model for the Euro-communists. After 1947, with the onset of the cold war the Czechoslovak communists changed their minds (Stalin probably also) and began to plot to seize power, which they easily achieved in February 1948. The article is based on published communist sources, especially those during the period of the Prague spring, and diplomatic reports from Czechoslovakia deposited at the British Foreign Office.


2021 ◽  
pp. 893-924
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Suprinyak ◽  
Ramón García Fernández

Economics as a scholarly discipline was transformed in Latin America during the 1960s and 1970s, when many countries in the region received financial and academic support from US institutions ostensibly aimed at “modernizing” the standards of training and research in the field. Even though Chile remains the most well-known case, similar developments took place in Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, and elsewhere. In Brazil, the restructuring of economics derived much of its strength from a cooperation agreement signed between Vanderbilt University and the University of São Paulo, financially backed by USAID and the Ford Foundation. This article recovers the early postwar origins of this partnership, the process through which it was implemented during the 1960s, and its influence in reshaping Brazilian scholarly standards. Just as the University of Chicago left a lasting mark on Chilean economics, Vanderbilt also became a pervasive point of reference for the future development of the discipline in Brazil. Different actors, institutions, and contexts, however, ultimately produced quite distinct results in each case.


1983 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Crook

Part I of this paper reviewed the issues which make up the subject of data protection and reasons for legislation. This second part examines in detail the development of legislative proposals in the United Kingdom, culminating in the Data Protection Bill currently before Parliament. The Committee on Data Protection (Lindop) recommended regulation by a Data Protection Authority enforcing statutory Codes of Practice for different data processing applications. This failed to find favour with the Conservative Government which preferred a scheme of registration enforced by an independent Registrar. The data protection lobby (including groups from the computer industry, trade unions, professions, business and civil liberties) were critical of the proposals; particularly those dealing with exemp tions from the law. Their comments are summarised and the response by the Government described. Some of the underlying political reasons for the develop ment of data protection in the U.K. are discussed. It is by understanding the decision-making process relating to legisla tion that those involved with information technology can play an effective role in its regulation and development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Zięba

Józefat Zielonacki - A Forgotten Polish Romanist of XIX C. An Outline of a BiographySummaryJ. Zielonacki was born on 28 November 1818 in a village called Goniczki, situated the Grand Duchy of Poznan, which belonged to his family.He spent his childhood in his family estate. After completing education in schools in Trzemeszno and Poznan he studied in Berlin, where he graduated in 1845 and conferred a doctor degree (dr) in both laws. In 1848 (or 1849) he was qualified as an assistant professor (dr hab) at Wroclaw University, where he subsequently lectured the Roman law.In 1850 Prof. Zielonacki succeeded to be a head of the Roman law department at the Jagiellonian University.At that time Galicia was in the period of absolutist reaction after the People’s Spring, distinguished by the suppression of civil liberties and a regime of terror. The declaration of a state of siege on 10.01.1849 led to handing over a full authority to Austrian generals, subsequent military commanders of the country, to whose authority - legitimately and in practice - (in these circumstances) the Galician governor - Agenor hr. Goluchowski was - submitted. The University was in practice deprived of its autonomy; all important matters were meticulously directed and supervised by the central authorities in Vienna. Appointments to professorships depended exclusively on the Austrian Ministry of Education, which also examined in detail ‘the political conformity’ of each candidate. Prof. Zielonacki was put up as a candidate by the minister Leon hr. Thun, who wrote in the application to the Emperor about a “great talent” but also “unblemished political attitude” of the candidate.J. Zielonacki lectured the Roman law in Cracow for two years and a half - until the end of December 1852. He was popular amongst the students and was respected amongst scholars as an eminent expert of the Roman law.On 1.01.1853 - without giving any justification, Prof. Zielonacki was removed from the University together with the following Professors: A. Malecki, W. Pol, A. Z. Helcel. The reasons for the dismissal have not been fully explained; at present it is considered as a revenge of the authorities for “the national attitude of the university full of dignity and visible efforts to maintain the Polish character” or even “acts of terror”. The direct reason for dismissing the “inconvenient” Professors was a denunciation against Prof. Malecki and Prof. Pol (and possibly Kremer), which drew the attention of the police to the whole academic environment. The head of the police in Cracow - Carol Neusser - who was commissioned to check the grounds of the denunciation, invigilated all university professors. It was claimed in his report (written on 21.03.1852) that some of the lecturers were particularly dangerous for the authorities. Prof. Zielonacki was described to be an impulsive person, having - “apart from Polish revolutionary tendencies, plenty of Prussian prejudices against Austria”, behaving “always unfriendly” towards the government. Thus, the removal of the professors had a clear political context - no particular accusations were however formulated. After the dismissal from the Jagiellonian University, Prof. Zielonacki was moved to Innsbruck, where he was the head of the Roman law department (until 1855), and afterwards he took over the same post at the Karol University in Prague.In 1857 Prof. Zielonacki, at his own request, was moved to the Lwow University, where he taught Roman law until he retired in 1870.In 1861 he tried to go back to Cracow to take over a vacant post in the Roman Law department but the authorities rejected his candidacy.Prof. Zielonacki made major contributions to the polonization of the Lwow University - he was the first and - for a long time - the only professor lecturing in Polish. In intense disputes with German professors he managed to win the right to use the Polish legal terminology during the lectures, subsequently a right for lectures in Polish, and afterwards to use Polish during exams. Fighting for the polonization of the university had an impact on his professorship career - after he was elected to be the dean of the Law Faculty for the first time for the academic year 1861/61 - he was ostentatiously neglected by his colleagues in elections to this post.Prof. Zielonacki, apart from his work with students, was also active in other areas: between 1867 and 1873 he was a member of the Autrian State Tribunal, and above all an active member of the Science Academy (from 1873 - since it was established). After Prof. Kramers death, from 1875 to 1878, he was a director of the Philosophy and History Faculty and played a significant role in establishing the Commission of Law in the Science Academy.Prof. Zielonacki died in his family estate in Goniczki on 28.04.1884.His scientific output is very ample - he wrote numerous articles and dissertations (in Latin, German and Polish) mainly on possession and usucaption. He is also an author of two monographs on servitudes (Wroclaw 1849) and on possession (Poznan 1854). The latter was also issued in Polish. The work of his lifetime was a two pans manual “Pandekta, i.e. a lecture on the Roman private law as it is the basis of the new laws” published in Polish in Cracow (1862/63, issue II 1870/1871), dedicated to “Polish youth devoting to the legal profession”. This work was greatly appreciated at his times.At present Prof. Zielonacki is groundlessly forgotten. He belonged to the most eminent Romanists of his times, he was an expen in Latin and German literature on the Roman law. He also substantially contributed to the polonization of law teaching. His personage - as an eminent scholar and patriot - it worth recalling. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-143
Author(s):  
Sanjay Ramesh

Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy. 


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