Communications/excommunications: an interview with Armand Mattelart

2008 ◽  
Vol 34 (S1) ◽  
pp. 21-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
COSTAS M. CONSTANTINOU
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Communication Theory ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Research And Teaching ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
University Of Paris ◽  
The Government ◽  
The University ◽  
The Military

This interview was conducted over the Internet between February and April 2006. Armand Mattelart is Emeritus Professor of Information and Communication Sciences at the University of Paris VIII. From 1962 to 1973 he was Professor of Sociology of Population and Communication at the Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, and United Nations expert in social development. During the Popular Unity period (1970–73), he worked with the Government of President Salvador Allende until the military coup of September 1973, when he was expelled from Chile. Between 1975 and 1982, he taught at the University of Paris VII and Paris VIII, and, between 1983 and 1997, as founding member of the Communications Department at the University of Rennes 2 (Haute-Bretagne). He has carried out numerous research and teaching missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. His research interests include communication theory and history, media studies and international communication. He has authored and co-authored numerous books, translated into many languages, including: Advertising International: The Privatization of Public Space (1991); Mapping World Communication: War, Progress, Culture (1994), The Invention of Communication (1996), Networking the World 1794–2000 (2000), The Information Society: An Introduction (2003), and, with Michèle Mattelart, Rethinking Media Theory: Signposts and New Directions (1992); The Carnival of Images: Brazilian Television Fiction (1990) and Theories of Communication: A Short Introduction (1998). His most recent book, published in French, is: La Globalisation de la Surveillance: Aux Origines de l’Ordre Sécuritaire (September 2007).

Changes in Income Distribution in Brazil

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Gini Index ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Very High

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

Social sciences in Brazil in perspective: foundation, consolidation and diversification

2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 283-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélgio Trindade
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
International Exchange ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Federal States ◽  
The Social ◽  
The University ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The article analyzes the development of social sciences in Brazil from a historical-sociological standpoint as seen through the construction of three disciplines: sociology, anthropology and political science. Beginning with the political and cultural context and the pre-sociology “essayism” phase, the author outlines the initial foundation and institutionalization of the social sciences (1934-64), which started with the foundation of the University of São Paulo and ended with the military coup d’état in 1964. He then goes on to analyze the crisis of the “Populist Republic” and the impact of the ideological radicalization on the social sciences, with an emphasis on the paradox of their simultaneous professionalization and consolidation through research and teaching under the military dictatorship (1965-83). Finally, the author turns to the democratic transition that ended in the “New Republic” (1984-2003), stressing the nationalization of the social sciences and the parallel diversification and split between teaching and research. The analysis of the three historical periods addresses the dynamics of the social sciences and their relationship with the central and the federal states, the hierarchy of disciplines, the dominant topics and international exchange. In conclusion, the author raises the question that is fundamental for the future, that of the crisis of national and international funding for the social sciences.

Passenger in transit

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Tito Valenzuela
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
Mining Area ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Past ◽  
The University ◽  
In Transit ◽  
The Military ◽  
Film Making

This second piece by a Latin American about exile explores through that experience many aspects of his people's ‘personality’ and the events leading to exile. Tito Valenzuela is a 37-year-old Chilean poet and … now … novelist. After studying painting and graphic design at the School of Fine Arts of the University of Chile in Santiago, he worked during the years of Salvador Allende's Popular Unity government in film-making and television. A book of his poetry was published in 1971, and more appeared in an anthology of work by young Chilean poets in 1972. At the time of the military coup of 11 September 1973 he was working on a film on the nitrate mining area of northern Chile. During the coup the military raided his home, removing books and manuscripts. After living clandestinely for several months, Tito left the country for Peru. Unable to remain there he took up an offer by the United Nations to go to Rumania. Finding the atmsophere there restrictive and stifling, he left for Sweden, where he worked in a ham factory, then travelled on to Berlin and finally London in 1975. After a long battle with British immigration authorities he was given permission to stay. Pasajero en transito (‘Passenger in Transil’) is Tito Valenzuelas's first novel, as yet unpublished. It concerns a young Chilean photographer, Ignacio (García, who is exiled (like the author) first in Bucharest and then in Stockholm. The protagonist's profession is itself an image of his psychological state, where the past freezes in the present, tending to mystification and distortion. By tracing Ignacio's obsessions in exile and the deterioration in the past of his relationship with Soledad … who disappears during the first days of the coup … the novel explores the Chile of both Allende and the months following the coup, as well as exile itself. The extract we publish finds Ignacio in Bucharest, playing chess with another exile, Pedro ‘El Peluca’ Morales, whose situation is also producing crisis and domestic rupture. Certain references need explanation. Chileans make great use of nicknames, and most of the characters are referred to by these. El Peluca means ‘the wig’. Loco ‘crazy’ and El Caluga ‘the candy’ (as in sweet). Others have been translated - The Philologist, the Marquis. Coco is untranslatable. Huevón is the all-purpose Chilean interpolation, used incessantly, affectionately and in anger. Literally obscene, it means ‘big balls’. El Pedagogico is the Instituto Pedagogico, the Teacher Training Institute in Valparaiso. The Lebu was a ship used by the military as a prison during the military coup. Milico is slang for military. The tanquetazo was the attempted coup carried out by a tank regiment in June 1973.

scholarly journals Training in Digital Skills in Early Childhood Education Teachers: The Case of the University of La Laguna

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (20) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
David Pérez-Jorge ◽  
María del Carmen Rodríguez-Jiménez ◽  
Josué Gutiérrez-Barroso ◽  
Fátima Castro-León
Keyword(s):  
Early Childhood ◽  
Early Childhood Education ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Canary Islands ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Continuous Training ◽  
Childhood Education ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Government ◽  
The University

<p class="0abstract"><span lang="EN-US">Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) have become essential tools for the development of quality educational practices. The special situation of COVID-19 has evidenced the problem of the teacher training. This work investigates the perception of the future teachers of Early Childhood Education about the use of ICT and the policies developed by the Government of the Canary Islands regarding the provision of resources, materials and training. The study had a sample of 110 teachers in training from the University of La Laguna, the results showed agreement regarding the quality and quantity of training received, however, despite not showing interest in continuous training in ICT, they consider fundamentally mastering this competence to improve the quality of the educational response in the Canary Islands.</span></p>

Rebellion, Revolution, and Tradition: Reinterpreting Coups in Ghana

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell Owusu
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Since the military coup that toppled the government of Sylvanus Olympio in Togo, West Africa, no less than seventy African leaders throughout sub-Saharan Africa have been overthrown by the armed forces. In the first two decades of independence alone, there were forty successful coups, not to mention the countless coup attempts (Meredith, 1984; Kitchen, 1985)

An International Perspective on Strikes and Strike Threats by Physicians: The Case of Chile

1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Belmar ◽  
Victor W. Sidel
Keyword(s):  
Medical Profession ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Program ◽  
Delivery Of Care ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
The Government ◽  
Early Effects ◽  
The Military

The program for health services developed by the government of Dr. Salvador Allende Gossens in Chile is outlined, as well as its early effects. A review of this development is necessary to an understanding of the systematic opposition of the organized medical profession to this program in particular, and to the broad socialist goals of the government in general. Three periods of activity by the medical profession are traced, beginning in September 1970 and culminating in September 1973 with the military coup and overthrow of the democratically elected government of Chile and the murder of its president, a physician. While the medical profession was opposed to the government program for community participation in health care and to changes in the models for delivery of care, and feared a changed status for the physician, clearly there were broader political links between the organized medical profession and the political opponents of the government which sought its overthrow.

scholarly journals Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-143
Author(s):  
Sanjay Ramesh
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Ethnic Tensions ◽  
Cyclical Pattern ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military ◽  
Alliance Building

Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy. 

Love Ballads, Carnations, and Coups

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan O. Varol
Keyword(s):  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This chapter sets the stage by introducing the democratic coup concept, using as an illustration the 1974 coup in Portugal that toppled the Estado Novo (New State) dictatorship. A democratic coup occurs when the domestic military, or a section of it, turns its arms against a dictatorship, temporarily takes control of the government, and oversees a transition to democracy. The transition ends with free and fair elections of civilians and the military’s retreat to the barracks. Of course a military coup itself is an undemocratic event. In a coup the military assumes power not through elections but by force or the threat of force. The term democratic refers to the regime type that the coup produces.

The 1964 Military Coup in Brazil

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Roberto Martins Filho
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Government ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

The coup that took place in Brazil on March 31, 1964 can be understood as a typical Cold War event. Supported by civilians, the action was carried out by the armed forces. Its origins hark back to the failed military revolt, headed by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in November of 1935, stirring up strong anticommunist sentiments. The Estado Novo coup, which occurred two years later, was supported by the army (war) and navy ministers. It marked the beginnings of the dictatorial phase of Getúlio Vargas, who had been in power since 1930. At the end of the Second World War, officers who had taken part in the struggle against Nazism in Italy returned to Brazil and overthrew the dictatorial Vargas regime, who nonetheless returned to power through the 1950 presidential elections. In 1954, under pressure from right-wing military forces, he committed suicide, thereby frustrating existing plans for another coup d’état. The Superior War School (ESG), created in 1949, had become both the birthplace of the ideology of National Security and stage where the French doctrine of guerre révolutionnaire was welcomed. During the 1950s, the military came to be divided into pro-American and nationalist factions. The alliance between the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) and the centrist Social Democratic Party (PSD), which had elected Vargas earlier, now enabled Juscelino Kubitschek’s victory in the 1955 elections, disappointing the conservatives of the National Democratic Union (UDN) and its military allies. The latter were briefly encouraged when the 1960 presidential election put Jânio Quadros at the head of the executive. In August 1961, when Quadros resigned, his military ministers tried to use force to keep Vice-President João Goulart, Vargas’s political heir at the head of the PTB, from taking office. The coup was frustrated by the resistance of the governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Yet the Goulart administration was marked by instability, in the midst of intense social struggles and by a sharp economic crisis. The outcome of this drama began to take shape in March 1963, when the government took a leftwards turn. A massive demonstration in downtown Rio de Janeiro on March 13 served as an alert, and the March 25 sailors’ revolt as the match in the powder keg. On March 31, military forces carried out the infamous coup. The Goulart administration collapsed. Social movements were left waiting for orders to resist that never came.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document