scholarly journals Tango :A poem of exile and the porteño's nostalgia for Buenos Aires

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Humberto Costantini

Humberto Costantini was born in Buenos Aires in 1924. He has published six volumes of short stories and three of poetry, and until his exile from Argentina in 1977 was a regular contributor to the Buenos Aire's newspaper Clarin and most of the country's literary magazines. In 1967 and 1970 collections of his stories won the Buenos Aires Municipal Literary Prize, one of the country's most prestigious awards, while a more recent story won the 1979 Casa de las Americas award (given by an international jury in Havana, Cuba). Several of his stories have been dramatised for theatre and cinema. A leading member of the Argentinian Writers' Association, which was well known for its opposition to the military government which took power in March 1976, Costantini received frequent death-threats after the coup. Close friends, also members of the Writers' Association, such as Rodolfo Walsh (see Index on Censorship 5/1977) and Haroldo Conti (Index on Censorship (6/1981), disappeared after abduction by para-military squads. In early 1977, believing that his own arrest was imminent, Humberto Costantini left Buenos Aires for exile in Mexico. He now presents a daily television programme on Mexican television about Latin American writers. The poem we publish here (slightly shortened, with the author's permission) is about exile. It is also about the attitudes and prejudices of that very particular South American character, the porteño male, the cocky but melancholic native of Buenos Aires. Many of the self-mocking references, among them plays on porteño and Mexican slang and ironic quotations from Argentinian tangos, will sadly be lost to the English-language reader. But some explanations can be given. Above all, tango is much more than a dance rhythm or a kind of song. It is an attitude and an ambience which this poem both draws on and mocks. A gringa is a North American woman (a female gringo) and gringuita its diminutive, while che is the characteristic Argentinian interpolation meaning ‘man’. Ahorita is a particularly northern Latin American usage which literally means ‘now’, but in fact is used when the speaker has no intention of acting immediately. Yerba is mate tea, the Argentinian national drink, while a corridor is a Mexican ballad. There are several renderings of Spanish spoken with a Northern American accent: ‘Vamose a comer oonos taquitos’ (vamos a comer unos taquitos) = let's go and eat some tacos; ‘musayo de Antropolgeea’ (museo de antropologia) = museum of anthropology; ‘floores para el bulin’ (flores para el bulin) = flowers for the room (a bulin is literally a ‘love-nest’). Tu tienes que saber means ‘you must know’, no es verdad means ‘is not true’, and El alma que canta (‘The songful soul’) is an Argentinian magazine which publishes lyrics of tangos and other popular songs. There are also many places referred to in the poem, both in Buenos Aires and Mexico City.

1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Robert Cox

Robert Cox has been editor of the English-language Buenos Aires Herald since 1968. While generally sympathetic to the military government, the Herald became well known for its criticism of the methods used against the regime's opponents. Almost alone among the Argentinian press it took up the cases of disappeared prisoners and championed their families. In December 1979, after a series of threats culminated in a letter to his ten-year-old son, Robert Cox and his family left the country for what they hope will be a brief period of ‘a kind of exile’.


2013 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Silveira

Argentina, and Buenos Aires in particular, was a preferred South American destination for great numbers of European immigrants who crossed the Atlantic beginning in the late nineteenth century in search of new opportunities. Most Latin American governments, from the early days of their nations' independence, sought to attract European workers. These newly founded countries considered immigration an essential element for creating a society that would become economically, politically, and socially modern. They hoped to attract mainly foreigners from Northern Europe, among them the British, whom they considered to have superior labor skills and to be accustomed to the habits of order and work the new nation required.


Author(s):  
Stephen G. Rabe

This chapter examines the grotesque policies of the military commanders of Argentina and Chile. Argentina emulated its South American neighbors when the military seized power in March of 1976. Argentina's military rulers thought it would be in the nation's best interest to eliminate 50,000 Argentines. Secretary Henry Kissinger was made aware of the Argentine military's campaign of mass murder by U.S. officials in Washington and Buenos Aires. His aides further warned him that Argentina's murderers and torturers targeted Argentina's Jewish population. The chapter then looks at Secretary Kissinger's response to Operation Condor, a conspiracy of South American military dictatorships that perpetrated international assassinations and terrorism.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Loveman

Latin America’s armed forces have played a central role in the region’s political history. This selective annotated bibliography focuses on key sources, with varying theoretical, empirical, and normative treatments of the military governments in the region, from the Cuban Revolution (1959) until the end of the Cold War (1989–1990). The article is limited to those cases in which military governments or “civil-military” governments were in power. This excludes personalist dictatorships, party dictatorships, and civilian governments in which the armed forces exercised considerable influence but did not rule directly. No pretense is made of comprehensiveness or of treating the “causes” of military coups (a vast literature) and of civil-military relations under civilian governments. Likewise, the closely related topics of guerrilla movements during this period, human rights violations under the military governments, US policy and support for many of the military governments, and the transitions back to civilian government (including “transitional justice”) are not covered in depth, but some of the selections do treat these topics and direct the reader to a more extensive literature on these subjects. Long-term military governments, with changing leadership in most cases, controlled eleven Latin American nations for significant periods from 1964 to 1990: Ecuador, 1963–1966 and 1972–1978; Guatemala, 1963–1985 (with an interlude from 1966–1969); Brazil, 1964–1985; Bolivia, 1964–1970 and 1971–1982; Argentina, 1966–1973 and 1976–1983; Peru, 1968–1980; Panama, 1968–1989; Honduras, 1963–1966 and 1972–1982; Chile, 1973–1990; and Uruguay, 1973–1984. In El Salvador the military dominated the government from 1948 until 1984, but the last “episode” was from 1979 to 1984. Military governments, though inevitably authoritarian, implemented varying economic, social, and foreign policies. They had staunch supporters and intense opponents, and they were usually subject to internal factionalism and ideological as well as policy disagreements. The sources discussed in this article reflect that diversity.


Author(s):  
Mauricio Rubilar Luengo

ResumenLa prensa sudamericana, en particular la de Buenos Aires, tuvo un amplio y heterogéneo desarrollo en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, resultado y expresión de diversas orientaciones políticas, caracterizándose por ser una prensa de opinión, doctrinaria, de trinchera y cada vez más informativa en virtud de los acontecimientos que marcaron el desarrollo de las sociedades latinoamericanas. Uno de esos eventos trascendentales a nivel regional fue la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentó a Chile contra la alianza de Perú y Bolivia. Este conflicto adquirió una importante dimensión internacional y generó un permanente interés informativo en la prensa argentina. Por consiguiente, el artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la actitud discursiva que adoptó parte de la prensa de Buenos Aires al momento de analizar y juzgar la conducta de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico. Planteamos la existencia de un “negativo imaginario internacional” que sematerializó en la formulación de un discurso periodístico que asignó a Chile y a los chilenos una conducta bélica “agresiva, expansionista y opuestaa los principios de la civilización”, la cual amenazaría potencialmente losintereses nacionales argentinos en el contexto de las disputas limítrofes entre ambos países.Palabras clave: Guerra del Pacífico; Argentina; Prensa; Opinión Pública“The american Prussia”: Argentinian press and international imaginary in Chile during the War of the Pacific (1879-1881)AbstractThe South American press, particularly in Buenos Aires, had a large and heterogeneous development in the second half of the Nineteenth Century, as a result and expression of different political persuasions, characterized by being a press of opinion, doctrinaire, of trench and increasingly informative under the events that marked the development of Latin American societies. One of those transcendent events at the regional level was the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) where Chile fought against Peru and Bolivia alliance. That conflict acquired an important international dimension and created a permanent information interest in Argentina press. Therefore, the article aims to characterize the discursive attitude adopted by part of the press of Buenos Aires at the time to analyze and judge the Chilean performance during the War of the Pacific. We propose the existence of an “international negative imaginary”, materialized in the formulation of a journalistic discourse that assigned to Chile and Chileans a war conduct that was “aggressive, expansionistand opposed to the principles of civilization”, which potentially threaten the national Argentine interests in the context of border disputes betweenthe two countries.Keywords: Pacific War; Argentina; press; public opinion“A Prussia americana”: imprensa argentina e imaginário internacional do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1881)ResumoA imprensa sul-americana, particularmente Buenos Aires, teve um amplo e heterogêneo desenvolvimento na segunda meta de do século XIX, resultado e expressão das diversas orientações políticas, com a característica de ser uma imprensa de opinião, doutrinária e de trincheira, cada vez mais informativa em virtude dos acontecimentos que marcaram o desenvolvimento das sociedades latino-americanas. Um desses acontecimentos importantes a nível regional foi a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentou a Chile contra a aliança de Peru e Bolívia. Este conflito adquiriu uma dimensão internacional importante e gerou um permanente interesse informativo na imprensa argentina. Portanto, o artigo tem como objetivo caracterizar a atitude discursiva adotada pela imprensa de Buenos Aires ao momento de analisar e julgar aconduta do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico. Propomos a existência de um “negativo imaginário internacional” que se materializou na formulação de um discurso jornalístico que atribuiu ao Chile e aos chilenos uma conduta bélica “agressivo, expansionista e oposta aos princípios da civilização”, aqual poderia ameaçar os interesses nacionais argentinos no contexto das disputas fronteiriças entre os dois países.Palavras-chave: Guerra do Pacífico; Argentina; Imprensa; Opinião Pública


Author(s):  
Brian Loveman

Despite the common identification of Chile as “exceptional” among Latin American nations, the military played a key role in 20th-century Chilean politics and continues to do so in the first decades of the 21st century. Both 20th-century constitutions were adopted under military tutelage, after military coups: two coups—1924–1925 (the 1925 Constitution) and the military coup in 1973 (the 1980 constitution). A successful coup in 1932 established the short-lived “Chilean Socialist Republic.” Infrequent but sometimes serious failed military coups decisively influenced the course of Chilean politics: 1912, 1919, 1931–1932 (several), 1933, 1935, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1948, 1954, 1969, June 1973, 1986 (“coup within the coup” against Augusto Pinochet by air force officers), and others. Monographic and article-length histories of each of these events exist detailing their rationale and eventual failure. Severe political polarization in the context of the post-Cuban Revolution Cold War wave of military coups (1961–1976) in Latin America resulted in the breakdown of the Chilean political system in 1973. U.S. support for a military coup to oust the elected socialist president exacerbated the internal political strife. When a military junta ousted socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, the military leaders claimed that they had ousted the Allende government to rescue Chilean democracy from the threat of international communism and civil war, and to restore the 1925 Constitution and the rule of law In 1973, the armed forces established a dictatorship that lasted almost 17 years and imposed a new constitution that is still in place in 2020 (with amendments). During this period (1973–1990), military officers occupied ministerial posts in the presidential cabinet, a military junta (Junta de Gobierno) acted as the legislature, and much of the public administration was militarized. Massive human rights violations took place involving all three branches of the armed forces and the national police (carabineros). After a plebiscite that rejected continued rule by General Augusto Pinochet and elections in 1989, the country returned to civilian government in March 1990. From 1990 until 2020 the country experienced gradual “normalization” of civil–military relations under elected civilian governments. After 1998, the threat of another military coup and reestablishment of military government largely disappeared. Constitutional reforms in 2005 reestablished much (but not all) of civilian control over defense and security policy and oversight of the armed forces. Nevertheless, reorganization of defense and security policymaking remained salient political issues and the armed forces continued to play an important role in national politics, policymaking, and internal administration.


2013 ◽  
Vol 70 (01) ◽  
pp. 33-62
Author(s):  
Alina Silveira

Argentina, and Buenos Aires in particular, was a preferred South American destination for great numbers of European immigrants who crossed the Atlantic beginning in the late nineteenth century in search of new opportunities. Most Latin American governments, from the early days of their nations' independence, sought to attract European workers. These newly founded countries considered immigration an essential element for creating a society that would become economically, politically, and socially modern. They hoped to attract mainly foreigners from Northern Europe, among them the British, whom they considered to have superior labor skills and to be accustomed to the habits of order and work the new nation required.


2012 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-316
Author(s):  
Ana Elena Puga

I recently translated and then served as dramaturge on the English-language world premiere of Patricia Suárez's Matchmaker (Casamentera), a contemporary Argentine play about the early twentieth-century sex trade in Jewish women imported from Eastern European villages to Buenos Aires brothels. Matchmaker was published in an anthology I edited, Spectacular Bodies, Dangerous Borders: Three New Latin American Plays, along with my translation of The Girls from the 3.5 Floppies (Las chicas del tres y media floppies) by the Mexican playwright Luis Enrique Gutiérrez Ortiz Monasterio (who goes by the acronym LEGOM) and Heather McKay's translation of Passport by the Venezuelan playwright Gustavo Ott. In February 2012, Matchmaker was staged in the Thurber Theatre at The Ohio State University. The production was directed by Lesley Ferris.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Gilbert

In the early morning hours of July 27, 1974, the military government of Peru employed riot police to seize control of the country's principal daily newspapers. The government announced that the newspapers were being transferred to independent organizations representative of broad sectors of Peruvian society. Peru's “Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces,” which came to power in 1968, had already surprised students of the Latin American military with a series of radical measures which included an extensive land reform, the expropriation of a number of foreign companies, reorganization of the financial sector, and the creation of a system of worker control for industry. Now President Juan Velasco Alvarado presented the press takeover as an integral part of a fundamental reordering of the existing society along progressive nationalist lines.


2013 ◽  
pp. 120-131
Author(s):  
Roberto Alciati

Horacio Verbitsky is a journalist, but his investigation about the military dictatorship in Argentina gives the opportunity to consider the importance - and the challenging perspective - of journalism in order to study contemporary history. The opening of some Church archives in Buenos Aires and the democratization of political and military power offer the occasion for this wide reconstruction about the relationship between Catholic hierarchy and military government.


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