“La Prusia americana”: prensa argentina e imaginario internacional de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1881)

Author(s):  
Mauricio Rubilar Luengo

ResumenLa prensa sudamericana, en particular la de Buenos Aires, tuvo un amplio y heterogéneo desarrollo en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, resultado y expresión de diversas orientaciones políticas, caracterizándose por ser una prensa de opinión, doctrinaria, de trinchera y cada vez más informativa en virtud de los acontecimientos que marcaron el desarrollo de las sociedades latinoamericanas. Uno de esos eventos trascendentales a nivel regional fue la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentó a Chile contra la alianza de Perú y Bolivia. Este conflicto adquirió una importante dimensión internacional y generó un permanente interés informativo en la prensa argentina. Por consiguiente, el artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la actitud discursiva que adoptó parte de la prensa de Buenos Aires al momento de analizar y juzgar la conducta de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico. Planteamos la existencia de un “negativo imaginario internacional” que sematerializó en la formulación de un discurso periodístico que asignó a Chile y a los chilenos una conducta bélica “agresiva, expansionista y opuestaa los principios de la civilización”, la cual amenazaría potencialmente losintereses nacionales argentinos en el contexto de las disputas limítrofes entre ambos países.Palabras clave: Guerra del Pacífico; Argentina; Prensa; Opinión Pública“The american Prussia”: Argentinian press and international imaginary in Chile during the War of the Pacific (1879-1881)AbstractThe South American press, particularly in Buenos Aires, had a large and heterogeneous development in the second half of the Nineteenth Century, as a result and expression of different political persuasions, characterized by being a press of opinion, doctrinaire, of trench and increasingly informative under the events that marked the development of Latin American societies. One of those transcendent events at the regional level was the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) where Chile fought against Peru and Bolivia alliance. That conflict acquired an important international dimension and created a permanent information interest in Argentina press. Therefore, the article aims to characterize the discursive attitude adopted by part of the press of Buenos Aires at the time to analyze and judge the Chilean performance during the War of the Pacific. We propose the existence of an “international negative imaginary”, materialized in the formulation of a journalistic discourse that assigned to Chile and Chileans a war conduct that was “aggressive, expansionistand opposed to the principles of civilization”, which potentially threaten the national Argentine interests in the context of border disputes betweenthe two countries.Keywords: Pacific War; Argentina; press; public opinion“A Prussia americana”: imprensa argentina e imaginário internacional do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1881)ResumoA imprensa sul-americana, particularmente Buenos Aires, teve um amplo e heterogêneo desenvolvimento na segunda meta de do século XIX, resultado e expressão das diversas orientações políticas, com a característica de ser uma imprensa de opinião, doutrinária e de trincheira, cada vez mais informativa em virtude dos acontecimentos que marcaram o desenvolvimento das sociedades latino-americanas. Um desses acontecimentos importantes a nível regional foi a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentou a Chile contra a aliança de Peru e Bolívia. Este conflito adquiriu uma dimensão internacional importante e gerou um permanente interesse informativo na imprensa argentina. Portanto, o artigo tem como objetivo caracterizar a atitude discursiva adotada pela imprensa de Buenos Aires ao momento de analisar e julgar aconduta do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico. Propomos a existência de um “negativo imaginário internacional” que se materializou na formulação de um discurso jornalístico que atribuiu ao Chile e aos chilenos uma conduta bélica “agressivo, expansionista e oposta aos princípios da civilização”, aqual poderia ameaçar os interesses nacionais argentinos no contexto das disputas fronteiriças entre os dois países.Palavras-chave: Guerra do Pacífico; Argentina; Imprensa; Opinião Pública

2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
LAURA LOMAS

Revising a century of interpretation that has emphasized the identification of José Martí with Ralph Waldo Emerson, this essay draws on Martí's unpublished and published manuscripts about Emerson to reveal Martí's keen sense of his difference from the New England bard. When we read Martí's 1882 eulogy to Emerson alongside contemporaneous essays about the Chinese Exclusion Act and the War of the Pacific, Martí's epiphany – which he calls the “evening of Emerson” – comes to suggest the evanescence of Emerson's influence. Martí here glimpses his contribution: a creative resignification and translation of Emerson and US culture more broadly in order to arrive at a distinct version of nuestra América. Although Emerson's influence persists, as he provides the phrase “our America,” Martí's interpretation transposes the phrase to a minor key and reveals the perspective of the Latin American migrant who presciently observes the threat of imperial expansion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Silveira

Argentina, and Buenos Aires in particular, was a preferred South American destination for great numbers of European immigrants who crossed the Atlantic beginning in the late nineteenth century in search of new opportunities. Most Latin American governments, from the early days of their nations' independence, sought to attract European workers. These newly founded countries considered immigration an essential element for creating a society that would become economically, politically, and socially modern. They hoped to attract mainly foreigners from Northern Europe, among them the British, whom they considered to have superior labor skills and to be accustomed to the habits of order and work the new nation required.


1992 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saki Dockrill

The death of Hirohito on 7 January 1989 provided the Japanese with an opportunity of reappraising the Showa era, as Hirohito's reign is called in the Japanese calendar. This lasted for sixty-two years, which the press described as years of ‘turmoil and drastic changes.’ While the role of the Emperor and, to a greater degree, the role of the military in imperial Japan have been long-running themes for historians, intellectuals, and journalists, Hirohito's death certainly encouraged the publication of a large number of books, including reprints of works about the Pacific War, from semi-official histories, the memoirs of some of the leading decision makers and a series of histories of Japan from 1868 to 1945. Television programmes showed for two full days panel discussions by historians and documentary films of the Showa era—a series of bloody wars in China and eventually with the Americans, the British and the other Allied powers, leading to unconditional surrender and occupation.


Author(s):  
Candela Marini

In the study of 19th-century Latin American photography, the photographic capture of war and military operations has implicitly been equated with the eye of national states, understanding that photographers would want to show a positive portrayal of the military forces. However, war photography as a language of state power was not the point of departure. In most of the earlier examples of war photography, it was private photographers who first ventured into military conflicts almost as soon as the new visual technology was made available. They saw war as both an important historical event and a commercial opportunity. Experiencing with a technology that forced them to produce images of war stripped of battle action while trying to capitalize on the diverse interests in these conflicts, most photographers offered a rendering of war of ambiguous political meanings. In this essay, I argue that the photographs of the War of the Pacific taken by the studio Díaz & Spencer are one of the first examples of the successful use of war photography for nation-building purposes, that is, as national propaganda. Photographers had the challenge to create impressive, apologetic and heroic captures of the military forces, and Díaz & Spencer succeeded in creating a visual narrative congruent with Chilean official discourses, consolidating, rather than challenging, the Chilean state view of the war. Equally important, this allignment of political views was accomplished on account of Díaz and Spencer’s initiative—not that of Chilean state officials.


2013 ◽  
Vol 70 (01) ◽  
pp. 33-62
Author(s):  
Alina Silveira

Argentina, and Buenos Aires in particular, was a preferred South American destination for great numbers of European immigrants who crossed the Atlantic beginning in the late nineteenth century in search of new opportunities. Most Latin American governments, from the early days of their nations' independence, sought to attract European workers. These newly founded countries considered immigration an essential element for creating a society that would become economically, politically, and socially modern. They hoped to attract mainly foreigners from Northern Europe, among them the British, whom they considered to have superior labor skills and to be accustomed to the habits of order and work the new nation required.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-498
Author(s):  
Harris Gaylord Warren

Some of the Latin American republics have produced newspapers that rank with the best in the world. In Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Colombia there have been great editors who presided over especially noteworthy journals. Political stability certainly contributed to the development of such papers as La Prensa and La Nación in Buenos Aires and of El Mercurio in Chile. While political stability is a prerequisite for continuous good journalism, freedom of expression, guaranteed by government and jealously guarded by legal institutions, is even more important. Equally important is self-discipline by the press, nowhere more clearly shown than in Chile where the important law of 1872 brought under control abuses that had plagued Chilean journalism for three decades. A free press is incompatible with dictatorial or authoritarian government, a truism amply demonstrated by the Paraguayan experience.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Humberto Costantini

Humberto Costantini was born in Buenos Aires in 1924. He has published six volumes of short stories and three of poetry, and until his exile from Argentina in 1977 was a regular contributor to the Buenos Aire's newspaper Clarin and most of the country's literary magazines. In 1967 and 1970 collections of his stories won the Buenos Aires Municipal Literary Prize, one of the country's most prestigious awards, while a more recent story won the 1979 Casa de las Americas award (given by an international jury in Havana, Cuba). Several of his stories have been dramatised for theatre and cinema. A leading member of the Argentinian Writers' Association, which was well known for its opposition to the military government which took power in March 1976, Costantini received frequent death-threats after the coup. Close friends, also members of the Writers' Association, such as Rodolfo Walsh (see Index on Censorship 5/1977) and Haroldo Conti (Index on Censorship (6/1981), disappeared after abduction by para-military squads. In early 1977, believing that his own arrest was imminent, Humberto Costantini left Buenos Aires for exile in Mexico. He now presents a daily television programme on Mexican television about Latin American writers. The poem we publish here (slightly shortened, with the author's permission) is about exile. It is also about the attitudes and prejudices of that very particular South American character, the porteño male, the cocky but melancholic native of Buenos Aires. Many of the self-mocking references, among them plays on porteño and Mexican slang and ironic quotations from Argentinian tangos, will sadly be lost to the English-language reader. But some explanations can be given. Above all, tango is much more than a dance rhythm or a kind of song. It is an attitude and an ambience which this poem both draws on and mocks. A gringa is a North American woman (a female gringo) and gringuita its diminutive, while che is the characteristic Argentinian interpolation meaning ‘man’. Ahorita is a particularly northern Latin American usage which literally means ‘now’, but in fact is used when the speaker has no intention of acting immediately. Yerba is mate tea, the Argentinian national drink, while a corridor is a Mexican ballad. There are several renderings of Spanish spoken with a Northern American accent: ‘Vamose a comer oonos taquitos’ (vamos a comer unos taquitos) = let's go and eat some tacos; ‘musayo de Antropolgeea’ (museo de antropologia) = museum of anthropology; ‘floores para el bulin’ (flores para el bulin) = flowers for the room (a bulin is literally a ‘love-nest’). Tu tienes que saber means ‘you must know’, no es verdad means ‘is not true’, and El alma que canta (‘The songful soul’) is an Argentinian magazine which publishes lyrics of tangos and other popular songs. There are also many places referred to in the poem, both in Buenos Aires and Mexico City.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Greenhill ◽  
Rory M. Miller

Broadly speaking, historians have considered the development of British business on the west coast of South America in the 19th and 20th centuries with a strong focus on Chile and Peru and in the light of two different historiographical approaches: debate over the organization of British business overseas and controversies over informal imperialism and dependency. Initially, the most visible examples of British business influence were merchants who arrived at the time of independence in the early 19th century, although from the middle of the century there was also significant investment in government bonds (sovereign debt). After the War of the Pacific (1879–1883), “freestanding companies” and investment groups, often organized by commercial houses handling Latin American exports, became the main vehicle for British capital flows. The activities of merchants and other suppliers of business services, such as shipping firms, banks, and insurance companies, together with the development of freestanding companies in railways and resource extraction after the War of the Pacific, certainly accelerated the incorporation of Peru and Chile into the expanding global economy. While it is difficult to find concrete examples of direct intervention by British firms in local politics, the growth of foreign business did set constraints on the autonomy of Latin American governments, which became dependent on the direct and indirect income from commodity exports. However, it also provided opportunities for local politicians and business elites, especially in the 1880s and the decade before the First World War when London financial institutions were seeking new openings for direct investment overseas. During the interwar period, British business influence began to fade as merchants and banks ran into greater difficulties, and US participation in the west coast economies, especially in resource extraction (mining and oil), grew. Although some major British multinational firms did invest in industry in Peru and Chile following the Second World War, little British business remained in the region after the 1970s.


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