scholarly journals Europeanization through the Grapevine: Communication Gaps and the Role of International Organizations in Implementation Networks of EU External Migration Policy

2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 485-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Wunderlich
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
External Migration

scholarly journals The Politics of Negotiating EU Readmission Agreements: Insights from Morocco and Turkey

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Wolff
Keyword(s):  
Migration Policy ◽  
Irregular Migration ◽  
Similar Position ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Regional Factors ◽  
External Migration

Abstract The subject of this article is the politics of instrumentation of eu Readmission Agreement (eura) negotiations with Morocco and Turkey. Refusing to sign an eura for more than ten years, they share a similar position of ‘hard bargainers’. Recently though a ‘negotiation turn’ took place, Turkey initialling an eura in June 2012 and Morocco committing to sign an eura within the framework of a Mobility Partnership (mp) in June 2013. Unpacking the role of eu incentives and third countries’ preferences, this article reveals that beyond the function of this instrument to co-opt third countries in eu’s fight against irregular migration, a series of obstacles forced the eu to revise the design of eura and to take into account domestic and regional factors. This article engages with the meanings and representations carried by euras in third countries and implications for the logic of consequences and appropriateness within the framework of EU external migration policy.

The Role of Third Countries in EU Migration Policy: The Mobility Partnerships

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasja Reslow
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Cape Verdean ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
The Third ◽  
Policy Proposals ◽  
External Migration ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Third countries are actors in EU external migration policy, not merely passive recipients of policy proposals. In order to understand policy outcomes, it is necessary to understand why third countries decide to participate (or not) in EU migration policy initiatives. The conditionality model provides an explanation which focuses on the domestic preferences of and processes in the third countries. In 2007, the EU introduced the Mobility Partnerships. These partnerships are intended to be the framework for migration relations between the EU and third countries in Eastern Europe and Africa. The Cape Verdean government decided to sign a Mobility Partnership because the benefits of this cooperation with the EU outweighed the costs. The Senegalese government refused to sign because the Mobility Partnership would have implied significant, unacceptable costs.

scholarly journals Implementers? The role of international organisations in EU funding for external migration policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hertog Den
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Organization Theory ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Theory Approach ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Partial Organization ◽  
Implementation Capacity ◽  
The Eu

The EU is a major funder of migration projects around the world. There is a relationship of interdependence between the EU and international organizations, with the former offering funding and the latter offering implementation capacity. This paper explores this relationship in more detail. In particular, it explores how these international organizations are involved in the EU funds beyond implementation. This paper employs an organization theory approach to explain this central role of international organizations. This article argues that these organizations carefully navigate between the 'company' and 'political' organizational types. Moreover, the Commission and these organizations can be better conceptualized as forming a 'partial' organization. This holds implications for transparency and accountability in this area of growing spending. Three organizations are looked at in the context of this paper: The International Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD).

The promotion of security sector reform strategies: Comparing the roles of the European Union and Canada

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Vandemoorteele
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Security Sector Reform ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Policy

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.   Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186

scholarly journals Designing for international law: The architecture of international organizations 1922–1952

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Miriam Bak McKenna
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
International Organization ◽  
International Labour Organization ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Physical Manifestation ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Do So

Abstract Situating itself in current debates over the international legal archive, this article delves into the material and conceptual implications of architecture for international law. To do so I trace the architectural developments of international law’s organizational and administrative spaces during the early to mid twentieth century. These architectural endeavours unfolded in three main stages: the years 1922–1926, during which the International Labour Organization (ILO) building, the first building exclusively designed for an international organization was constructed; the years 1927–1937 which saw the great polemic between modernist and classical architects over the building of the Palace of Nations; and the years 1947–1952, with the triumph of modernism, represented by the UN Headquarters in New York. These events provide an illuminating allegorical insight into the physical manifestation, modes of self-expression, and transformation of international law during this era, particularly the relationship between international law and the function and role of international organizations.

Features of ILM for the 1960's

1969 ◽  
Vol 8 (I1) ◽  
pp. xi-xii
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Arbitration ◽  
National Courts ◽  
The Developed Countries

The contents of ILM for the period from 1962 to 1969 reflect several significant developments: (1) the entry on the international scene of many new countries and their establishment of relations with the developed countries, particularly in the fields of commerce and trade and of investment; (2) the prevalence of armed conflict and the use of military force in the unsettled conditions resulting from the decolonization process and from continued antagonisms between the superpowers; (3) the pervasive role of international organizations, both global and regional, general and specialized; and (4) the continued predominance of national courts in the judicial consideration of questions of international law and the shift from general to specialized tribunals in the resolution of disputes by international arbitration and adjudication.

scholarly journals Reform in the international food aid regime: the role of consensual knowledge

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Epistemic Community ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
Local Production ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Food Imports

The principles and norms adopted by the regime governing food aid in the 1950s have changed substantially during the subsequent three decades. Explaining the changes necessarily includes analyzing the efforts of an international epistemic community consisting of economic development specialists, agricultural economists, and administrators of food aid. According to the initial regime principles, food aid should be provided from donors' own surplus stocks, should supplement the usual commercial food imports in recipient countries, should be given under short-term commitments sensitive to the political and economic goals of donors, and should directly feed hungry people. As a result of following these principles, the epistemic community and other critics argued, food aid often had the adverse effects of reducing local production of food in recipient countries and exacerbating rather than alleviating hunger. The epistemic community (1) developed and proposed ideas for more efficiently supplying food aid and avoiding “disincentive” effects and (2) pushed for reforms to make food aid serve as the basis for the recipients' economic development and to target it at addressing long-term food security problems. The ideas of the international epistemic community have increasingly received support from international organizations and the governments of donor and recipient nations. Most recently, they have led to revisions of the U.S. food aid program passed by Congress in October 1990 and signed into law two months later. As the analysis of food aid reform demonstrates, changes in the international regime have been incremental, rather than radical. Moreover, the locus for the change has shifted from an American-centered one in the 1950s to a more international one in recent decades.

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