Political discourses on Europe and European integration in national election manifestos and party programmes

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 636-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osman Sabri Kiratli
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 482-501
Author(s):  
Inokaitytė Šmagarienė

The paper introduced here focuses on the particularities of Lithuanian political parties’ discourse on European integration. The questions which this paper seeks to answer are: how much ‘Europe’ actually figures into parties’ national election manifestos and what parties says about the nature of the European polity and the policy objectives to be implemented by the EU? The results of the analysis show that, although in principle there is a support to the European integration, political parties follow the logic of instrumental rationality containing strategic actions and specific domestic interest implementation in the united Europe. These contradictions may lead to the inconsistencies of party politics toward European integration.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.16.3.19344


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Statham ◽  
Ruud Koopmans

This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives andSchweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 633-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heike Klüver ◽  
Jae-Jae Spoon

Do parties listen to their voters? This article addresses this important question by moving beyond position congruence to explore whether parties respond to voters’ issue priorities. It argues that political parties respond to voters in their election manifestos, but that their responsiveness varies across different party types: namely, that large parties are more responsive to voters’ policy priorities, while government parties listen less to voters’ issue demands. The study also posits that niche parties are not generally more responsive to voter demands, but that they are more responsive to the concerns of their supporters in their owned issue areas. To test these theoretical expectations, the study combines data from the Comparative Manifestos Project with data on voters’ policy priorities from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and various national election studies across eighteen European democracies in sixty-three elections from 1972–2011. Our findings have important implications for understanding political representation and democratic linkage.


Author(s):  
A. O. DOMANOV

The dynamics of Euroscepticism intensity of some French parties is  analysed in the given article with the use of Attitude to European  integration index. The degree of criticism of the EU is evaluated  quantitatively (1-13 points) based on the following data extracted  from 2010-2017 party manifestos: attitude to the principal idea of European integration, affective and instrumental support or  discontent of the EU, the perception of the EU as an (un-)  accountable institution. The elaborated method was proven to be  instrumental and reliable for Euroscepticism studies by finding  correspondence between the quantitative values of the Index and  Russian scholars’ qualitative estimates. This standardized approach  to measurement allowed not only to reveal the general attitude of a  particular party towards European integration, but also to compare the obtained estimates with indicators for past years, for  other parties, and also in other countries. The developed scale let  ascertain some strengthening of National Front’s and J.-L.  Melenchon’s supporters’ (nowadays – from “Unbowed France”)  Euroscepticism and weakening criticism of the EU by gaullists from  the “Union for the Popular Movement” and the “Republicans”.  Relatively stronger Euroscepticism of the French Communist Party in  comparison to the Socialist Party has been confirmed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 001041402097022
Author(s):  
James Adams ◽  
Luca Bernardi ◽  
M. Christine Phillips

Previous research documents that citizens apply a “coalition heuristic” to infer that governing coalition partners share more similar policies and ideologies than are implied by the statements in their election manifestos. We propose even simpler government-related heuristics citizens can apply to infer party positions on European integration: the current government heuristic that currently governing parties are more pro-Europe than opposition parties, and the long-term opposition heuristic that opposition parties that have never governed are less pro-Europe than opposition parties with previous governing experience. We report theoretical and empirical analyses of survey data from 24 European Union member states, which substantiate that citizens apply these heuristics, which have consequences for citizens’ policy beliefs and their party support. We also find evidence that citizens respond to policy as measured through election manifestos and expert surveys.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-196
Author(s):  
Oleksii Polegkyi

The topic of European integration is one of the most important for Ukrainian political discourse and reflects the main controversy in politics and society. This paper is based on a case study: how are European integration and widely the idea of Europe conceptualized in Ukrainian political discourses and how are they presented and framed in the Ukrainian press in the period 2005–2010? What are the dominant frames in the representation of European integration in the Ukrainian press? This study demonstrates that conceptualization of European integration and, connected with it, the foreign policy choice of Ukraine is proceeding in the Ukrainian media discourse with usage of the following dominant frames: geopolitical confrontation, civilizational choice and an instrument of inner changes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Weldon ◽  
Hermann Schmitt

Europe has been hit by a global financial crisis, and so has Germany. This crisis is associated, among European Union citizens, with the degree of support for European integration: those who are skeptical about the Euro and the debt crises in parts of the Eurozone tend also to be skeptical about European integration more generally. Our main question in this article is whether the pledges of political parties (as issued in their election manifestos) can add to our understanding of electoral choices in Germany. Relating German election results to the German data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project MRG/CMP/MARPOR research tradition, our expectation is that political parties' European pledges have been irrelevant for the vote over half a century. Now that the European Union is rapidly moving in its postfunctional phase, the election of 2013 is expected to mark a turning point in that regard.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document