Selling a presidential candidate: linguistic landscapes in time of presidential elections in Zambia

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.

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Media dan Perilaku Pemilih Pemula pada Pilihan Presiden Tahun 2014 di Kabupaten Sidoarjo

Kanal Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi ◽

10.21070/kanal.v5i1.1463 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 87

Author(s):

Totok Wahyu Abadi ◽

Ridlaty Ayu Oktaviana Putri

Keyword(s):

Regression Analysis ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Linear Regression Analysis ◽

Multiple Linear Regression Analysis ◽

Influential Factor ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Presidential Candidates ◽

Media Usage ◽

Internet Radio ◽

The Media

The purpose of this study explained socialization was conducted by electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency and media that is used by the community and its influence on behavior of beginning voters. The basic concept of this research used theory of voter behavior and socialization of psychological aspects as well as theory of media usage. Data collection was done by distributing questionnaires to 99 beginner voter respondents as well as interviews with regional commissioners. Data analysis was performed multiple linear regression analysis and description. The results showed that the socialization conducted by electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency Sidoarjo was optimal. Media used for socialization included television, social media (internet), radio, billboards, print media (newspapers and magazines), and workshops / seminars / working meetings. Newbie voters in 2014 presidential elections indicated behavior to participate in presidential elections. The use of communication media and socialization of presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates had an influence on the behavior of novice voters. The influence of these two variables on the beginner behavior is shown by R coefficient of 27.1%. While, the most influential factor on behavior is the media used by novice voters to obtain information, knowledge, and understanding of the presidential candidate.

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Lamson & McGrath (in press, Journal of Positive Psychology) Speaking of Character - Presidential elections and movies

10.31234/osf.io/frhm8 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

William Robert James Lamson ◽

Robert E. McGrath

Keyword(s):

Positive Psychology ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Character Strengths ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Lexical Analysis ◽

Normative Database ◽

Positive Character

One way in which language can be used for persuasive purposes is through references to personalcharacter, or the lack thereof. A series of lexica reflecting 24 character strengths were developedand combined with existing lexica reflecting virtues and morality. Two studies were conducted toevaluate these lexica. The first compared words in presidential candidate nomination speechesfrom 1864 to 2016 to election outcomes. Results indicated that candidates’ use of terms related tohope was a better predictor of election outcomes than incumbency. In the second study, both thehighest grossing and highest rated films of 2013–2016 included fewer words representing seven ofthe character variables than a normative database, while the highest grossing films containedmore dialog referencing creativity and leadership. These results indicate that lexical analysis canprovide a potentially useful tool for understanding the cultural use of positive character terms.

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The mechanisms of trust formation under different conditions of political identity: An experiment among Taiwanese voters

Current Sociology ◽

10.1177/00113921211001081 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 001139212110010

Author(s):

Tien-Tun Yang ◽

Ray-May Hsung ◽

Shu-Heng Chen ◽

Ye-Rong Du ◽

Yi-Jr Lin ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Political Identity ◽

Research Problem ◽

Trust Game ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Presidential Candidates ◽

Democratic Development ◽

Second Stage ◽

Trust Formation ◽

Three Stages

Trust and cooperation within and between political identity groups are important issues for building a healthy civil society and democratic development. However, this research problem has seldom been analyzed under different political identity conditions by means of experimental design in Taiwan. Presidential elections have reproduced the polarization between two groups of voters supporting different presidential candidates. Therefore, in this article the authors are interested in whether political identity matters in trust exchanges among strangers. This study applies a three-stage trust game experiment to examine how trust is developed within pairs of subjects with either the same or different political identity. In the first stage subjects were randomly matched in pairs as trustor and trustee, and their political identities were not disclosed. In the second stage the pairs were still randomly matched, but each subject was informed of their partner’s political identity. In the final stage each subject could choose the preferred political identity of his/her partner. There were two mechanisms of trust-behavior formation under different identity conditions. The first mechanism was political identity. Supporters of presidential candidate Ma Ying-Jeou were more trustful than supporters of candidate Tsai Ing-Wen. Under the condition of subjects knowing their partner’s political identity, the identity effect became strongly significant in stages 2 and 3 of the experiment, especially for that of the Ma–Ma group. The second mechanism was mutuality. The mutuality effect was very significant in all three stages of the trust experiment, and that effect was stronger for those who voted for Tsai.

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Experiencing vicarious rejection in the wake of the 2016 presidential election

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations ◽

10.1177/1368430218798702 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 23 (2) ◽

pp. 179-194

Author(s):

Heather M. Claypool ◽

Alejandro Trujillo ◽

Michael J. Bernstein ◽

Steven Young

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Presidential Election ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

The United States ◽

Political Orientation ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Hillary Clinton ◽

Social Pain ◽

Donald Trump ◽

Before And After

Presidential elections in the United States pit two (or more) candidates against each other. Voters elect one and reject the others. This work tested the hypothesis that supporters of a losing presidential candidate may experience that defeat as a personal rejection. Before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, voters reported their current feelings of rejection and social pain, along with potential predictors of these feelings. Relative to Trump supporters, Clinton (losing candidate) supporters reported greater feelings of rejection, lower mood, and reduced fundamental needs post-election, while controlling for pre-election levels of these variables. Moreover, as self–candidate closeness and liberal political orientation increased, so too did feelings of rejection and social pain among Clinton supporters. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding human sensitivity to belonging threats and for the vicarious rejection literature.

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Why Rules Matter: Changes in Candidate Selection in Mexico's PRI, 1988–2000

Journal of Latin American Studies ◽

10.1017/s0022216x01006137 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 33 (3) ◽

pp. 485-511 ◽

Cited By ~ 17

Author(s):

JOY LANGSTON

Keyword(s):

Decision Making ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Electoral Competition ◽

Candidate Selection ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Informal Rules ◽

Rules Of The Game

The traditional literature on Mexico's formerly hegemonic party, the PRI, notes the importance of the ‘informal rules of the game' in determining outcomes, such as who will be the PRI's presidential candidate. This article argues that the onset of electoral competition allowed weaker actors within the party to strengthen their position by reforming the statutes in order to give them decision-making power previously denied them. However, this was a difficult process. President Salinas was able to overturn statutory reforms, while President Zedillo was not. Now that the PRI has lost the presidential elections, internal mechanisms of distributing selective benefits become even more important because of the loss of the omnipotent president who once exacted cooperation from all actors within the party and the regime.

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The Concertación's Defeat in Chile's 2009–2010 Presidential Elections

Latin American Politics and Society ◽

10.1111/j.1548-2456.2012.00154.x ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 54 (2) ◽

pp. 79-107 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Mauricio Morales Quiroga

Keyword(s):

Middle Class ◽

Presidential Elections ◽

Selection Process ◽

Candidate Selection ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

The Right ◽

Opening Up

AbstractThe Concertación lost the recent presidential elections in Chile after 20 years in office. This article proposes three explanations for this result. First, the Concertación's candidate selection process through primaries was exclusionary, without opening up participation to all potential applicants. This combined with a deep erosion of the coalition, reflected in the resignation of deputies and senators from parties that compose it. The process was accelerated with the emergence of an independent candidate, formerly from the Concertación. Second, the candidate from the right increased his vote in the poorest sectors and expanded the right's constituency to middle-class segments, traditional Concertación electoral strongholds. Third, the right achieved greater electoral consistency than the Concertación by reducing the number of voters who split their tickets. Its presidential candidate obtained almost the same percentage as its list of deputies.

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Speak Clearly and Carry a Big Stock of Dollar Reserves

Comparative Political Studies ◽

10.1177/0010414009331711 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 42 (10) ◽

pp. 1292-1316 ◽

Cited By ~ 6

Author(s):

Anthony Peter Spanakos ◽

Lucio R. Renno

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Multiple Equilibria ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Policy Uncertainty ◽

Left Wing ◽

Perceptions Of Risk ◽

Economic Fundamentals ◽

Political Analysis ◽

Sovereign Credit Risk ◽

The Individual

Partisan theories of political economy expect that bondholders will panic with the election of a left-wing presidential candidate. The latter seems to be what happened in Brazil in the 2002 presidential elections. However, quantitative analysis of perceptions of sovereign credit risk in Argentine, Brazilian, Mexican, and Venezuelan presidential elections from 1994 until 2007 shows no real evidence of a link between partisanship and perceptions of risk, even if the left-right divide is further broken down into left, center-left, center-right, right. Instead, international and domestic economic fundamentals have a stronger influence on risk evaluations. Qualitative analysis of the individual presidential elections shows the importance of policy uncertainty in explaining why certain electoral periods seemed more critical than others and how bondholders select between multiple equilibria. This research helps shift political analysis away from partisanship and more in the direction of policies and articulation.

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Zannini could overshadow two presidents in Argentina

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db200929 ◽

2015 ◽

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Buenos Aires ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Content Type ◽

Right Hand ◽

Opinion Polls

Subject A profile of vice-presidential candidate Carlos Zannini. Significance President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner chose her right-hand man, Carlos Alberto Zannini, to second Buenos Aires Governor Daniel Scioli on the ruling Frente para la Victoria's (FPV's) ticket for the October presidential elections. Scioli currently leads opinion polls, appearing well placed to give the ruling FPV coalition another four years in office. Impacts At the very least, Zannini's nomination could soften or postpone an eventual business-friendly turn in a Scioli administration. Zannini's ambitions might eventually lead him to clash openly with Scioli, creating rifts in the ruling coalition. His nomination could put an end to the Kirchner family's dominance, though not to the populist policies in place since 2003.

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Fajardo and Uribista blocs vie for power in Colombia

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db227503 ◽

2017 ◽

Keyword(s):

Presidential Elections ◽

Public Spending ◽

Conservative Party ◽

Fiscal Rules ◽

Presidential Candidate ◽

Content Type

Subject Election preparations. Significance On December 10, the centre-left Coalition Colombia (CC) alliance announced that Sergio Fajardo would be its candidate in the May 2018 presidential elections. The same day, the Democratic Centre (CD) of former President Alvaro Uribe (2002-10) selected Ivan Duque as its contender. Duque will now face Marta Lucia Ramirez, of the Conservative Party, to decide who will lead the centre-right electoral coalition formed in advance of the vote. Despite the respectable poll ratings of several other candidates, the contest looks likely to become a race between the Fajardo and Uribista coalitions. Impacts FARC presidential candidate Rodrigro Londono Echeverri has negligible support in polls, and is unlikely to do well. Duque’s popularity may rise as campaigning advances and more people become aware that he is Uribe’s candidate. Pension and public spending reforms will be needed under the next government to reduce the deficit and comply with statutory fiscal rules.

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