The Ottoman Empire and Russia on the Way to the Independence of Serbia in the ‘Eastern Question’

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 608-620
Author(s):  
Nurzhigit Momynbekovich Abdukadyrov
Chronos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Theophilus C Prousis

The tangled web of the Eastern Question became the single most explosive force in European great power politics during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Constantinople became the epicenter of this contentious dispute in Ottoman-European relations. Eyewitness commentaries by diplomats, travelers, residents, and others who visited this fabled city conveyed images and episodes about various topics, including European interactions with the Ottoman Empire, European designs on contested lands, and Ottoman politics and policy. These scenes and stories not only shed light on the geopolitical heart of the Eastern Question but also reinforce the centrality of this volatile issue in the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
MOHAMMAD SALMASIZADEH ◽  

The conflict between the Russian and Turkish in 1877-1878, though formed on the pretext of Russia's support for Christian nations under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, was actually part of the great scheme that European governments had begun to break up the Ottoman Empire and resolve the Eastern Question. The goals of these powers for world domination, that would sometimes results in wars among themselves, were mainly focused on expanding the territorial realm and winning economic gains. These goals were followed under the disguise of gaining freedom for Christians and securing independence for non-Turkish nations. The scientific and technological impairment of the Ottoman Empire compared to the European countries, accompanied by internal rivalries and frequent overthrow of the rulers, were some of the main weaknesses of the Ottoman state causing their demise. In the meantime, Russia was in pursue of its policy of territorial expansion and seeking access to warm waters. Russia's main objective was to obtain access to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. Having control over the Straits of Bosporus and Dardanelles that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire would have connected Russia to the center of world trade in the Mediterranean and would have freed Russia from its land blockages and frozen ports. The causality, the start, and the ramifications of these wars have been reflected in the Iranian historiography of that era. Mohammad Hassan Khan Etemad al-Saltanah, a great historian of the Nasereddin Shah Qajar Age (1848-1898), using the reports of Iranian officials in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and two books of Montazame Nasseri and Merat al-Boldan that were translations of selected articles from the French and Ottoman newspapers have recorded this important historical event. The reasons for Iranian attention to this historical event forms part of the modern and global historiography of Iran, in which attention to the developments in the Ottoman Empire plays an important role in Iran's acquaintance with modern civilization.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bitis

This book covers one of the most important and persistent problems in nineteenth-century European diplomacy, the Eastern Question. The Eastern Question was essentially shorthand for comprehending the international consequences caused by the gradual and apparently terminal decline of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. This volume examines the military and diplomatic policies of Russia as it struggled with the Ottoman Empire for influence in the Balkans and the Caucasus. The book is based on extensive use of Russian archive sources and it makes a contribution to our understanding of issues such as the development of Russian military thought, the origins and conduct of the 1828–1829 Russo-Turkish War, the origins and conduct of the 1826–1828 Russo-Persian War and the Treaty of Adrianople. The book also considers issues such as the Russian army's use of Balkan irregulars, the reform of the Danubian Principalities (1829 –1834), the ideas of the ‘Russian Party’ and Russian public opinion toward the Eastern Question.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 537-540
Author(s):  
Avner Wishnitzer

In his recent article, “Secularizing Anatolia Tick by Tick: Clock Towers in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic,” Mehmet Bengü Uluengin makes a significant contribution to our understanding of late Ottoman and early republican clock towers. Uluengin shows that Ottoman clock towers carried “complex and seemingly contradictory layering of meanings” (p. 31). These buildings were at times associated with Christianity and with European power but were also seen as modern extensions of the Islamic institution of the muvakkit (timekeeper) or as symbols of the Ottoman government and its modernizing project. The cultural meanings associated with clock towers were fluid, concludes Uluengin, and it was the context that determined the way clock towers were interpreted.


2021 ◽  
pp. 74-102
Author(s):  
Ozan Ozavci

As the French expedition came to a disastrous end for France in 1801, a civil war broke out in Egypt. The strife in 1801–11 was not only an early example of the coalescing of global imperial struggles and local animosities, it was also one of the earliest instances of surrogate wars in the Levant. This chapter considers this civil war and its constitutive role in imperialism in the Levant—the imperialism of both British and French, and of both the Ottoman Empire and, in due course, an Albanian soldier in the name of Mehmed Ali. It details Mehmed Ali’s rise as the governor of Egypt in times of this civil war, and how the peculiar circumstances of violence in the 1800s would affect the later phases of the Eastern Question.


Author(s):  
Stanoje Bojanin ◽  
Milanka Ubiparip

This study deals with the manuscript book of the Library of the Serbian Patriarchate (Biblioteka Srpske patrijarsije = BSP) ?32 from the 1550s or early 1560s which is an exact handwritten copy of the printed Gorazde Prayer Book or Trebnik (1523). Aside from the handwritten leaves, the book of BSP ?32 contains 34 printed leaves which originate from Theodor Ljubavic?s printing shop in Gorazde: 30 of them belong to the Trebnik, and 4 to the Sluzabnik or Leitourgikon (1519). The handwritten and printed leaves have been skillfully arranged providing for the continuity of the text. The contents and the way in which the book of BPS ?32 was made open up new perspectives in the codicological-archeographical and cultural-historical researches on the printed book and its influence in Serbian written culture in the Ottoman Empire, wherein the handwritten book dominated. The short-lived old Serbian printing shops had a certain influence in shaping the later handwritten heritage of the Serbian and South Slavonic books of the 16 th and 17 th centuries. This influence is marked by the reversible process of the transmission of texts and learning from the printed book circulated in a great number of copies to the singular copy of manuscript. This process is most fully represented in the handwritten copy of the Gorazde Prayer Book of BSP ?32.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-131
Author(s):  
Ozan Ozavci

During the Congress of Vienna of 1814–15, a new international order was established in Europe in order to prevent Europe from returning back to the horrors of the general war. This chapter questions wherein this new order the Ottoman Empire was placed, and whether the beginning of a new era in Europe necessarily meant the same for the Ottoman world. It does so with a fresh focus on the negotiations between the Powers and the Ottoman Empire over the ‘Eastern Question’ during the Congress of Vienna, the ‘Greek crisis’ of the 1820s, and the Navarino intervention of 1827, when the joint Russian, British, and French fleets destroyed the Ottoman navy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Ozan Ozavci

The so-called second Eastern Crisis of 1839–41 came to an end with an intervention in Ottoman Syria on the part of the Quadruple Alliance (Austria, Britain, Prussia, and Russia) and the Ottoman Empire. Yet the intervention saw a fierce opposition from France and Mehmed Ali Pașa of Egypt, under whose control Syria was at the time. This chapter explains why and how Russia gave up her privileged position in Istanbul and agreed upon the 1840 intervention, and why France objected to the idea of Great Power intervention in the Ottoman world. It concludes by highlighting the intricate policies adopted by the Quadruple Alliance and the Sublime Porte to corner the French and Mehmed Ali. The latter two were indeed diplomatically persuaded in the end and even came to review their discourses over the ‘Eastern Question’.


Belleten ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 81 (291) ◽  
pp. 525-568
Author(s):  
Nazan Çi̇çek

This study largely drawing upon the established conceptual framework of Orientalism in Saidian terms shall analyse the British perceptions and representations of the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876, a salient feature of the Eastern Question, as they appeared in British parliamentary debates. It will also make occasional yet instructive references to the coverage of the Crisis as well as the image of the Ottoman Empire and the Balkans which were organic parts of the Crisis, in some influential periodicals of the era such as the Times and the Contemporary Review in order to better contextualize the debates in the parliament. The main point this article shall make is that the Bulgarian Crisis worked as a catalyst in reinforcing the hegemony of the Orientalist discourse in the political construction of the Ottoman Empire as an absolute external Other in Britain at the time. It shall also delve into the construction of the Balkans as an "intimate other" whose Oriental and European features were alternately accentuated during the Crisis with a view to enlist the British public in either supporting or denouncing the Bulgarian uprising. All in all, it will suggest that the Orientalist rhetoric was embedded at the very core of the Victorian British elites' cognitive map, and was also unsparingly employed in negating the domestic political opponents swamping them with negative Orientalist stereotypes.


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