scholarly journals The EU and border management in the Western Balkans: preparing for European integration or safeguarding EU external borders?

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gemma Collantes-Celador ◽  
Ana E. Juncos
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
E. G. Entina

Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.


Author(s):  
Hanna Kharlan

The article covers the specific depiction of Eastern Europe in the programs of the main political forces in parliamentary elections in Germany 2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact to the course of political life. The election programs of the six parties (CDU / CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90 / The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) that managed to overcome the barrier were analysed. Almost all political parties that succeeded in breaking the barrier in the parliamentary elections on September 24, 2017, presented their own vision of the European direction of FRG’s foreign policy in their election programs. All parties, except the right-wing populists, spoke in favor of Germany’s active participation in the processes of European integration. Such issues as a strategy for the further development of the EU, overcoming the negative effects of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, and the prospects of community enlargement at the expense of Turkey and the Western Balkans were the focus of political forces. The Christian and Democratic Union / Christian and Social Union, led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel, emphasized the need to strengthen the European Union as a subject of world politics against the background of geopolitical shifts after 2014 and the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. The Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Free Democratic Party and the “Alliance 90 / The Greens” spoke in favor of reforming the EU institutions. Instead, the far-right “Alternative for Germany” called for a radical revision of FRG’s foreign policy strategy. All political forces have noted the deterioration of the situation with democracy and human rights in Turkey, which makes it impossible for this country to enter the EU in the near future. As for membership prospects for the Western Balkans, the parties’ positions differ. The conclusions state that the formation of another “grand coalition” led by A. Merkel testified to the stability of the foreign policy and the desire to maintain the leading role of FRG in the processes of deepening and expanding European integration.


SEER ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
Mirela Veleva-Eftimova

There is a growing volume of literature on the EU’s enlargement towards the eastern part of the continent which, from the perspective of the SEER Journal, is gaining increasing importance as the EU now seeks, once again, to re-orient itself towards the countries of the western Balkans. Interest in the literature is growing not only because the results have been ambiguous but also because the nature of the process itself remains largely unexplained. This article seeks to reconstruct the concept of eastern enlargement, taking account of the reality of the national interests and compromises that shaped its direction and that of the wider notion of European integration. It draws on the belief that enlargement conditionality has been represented as having inevitable validity, thereby allowing a revision of the understanding of the role, importance and limits of that validity. The author concludes that an accelerated enlargement process has had a knock-on impact on the quality of integration itself; and that the reality of national interests has pre-determined an unfinished character to the process of Europeanisation.


Author(s):  
Shaohua Yan

This paper adopts a region-building perspective to shed light on the nature of the 16+1 framework and elucidates what it means for EU-China cooperation in the Western Balkans. By comparing the 16+1 framework with the European approach to region-building in the Western Balkans, the paper argues that the Chinese and European approaches towards the Western Balkans are largely complementary rather than competitive as China’s engagement works to facilitate the EU’s agenda in the region. The ‘outside-in’ perspective brought about by China via the 16+1 framework could contribute to region- building in the Western Balkans and the EU and China could jointly move forward the next stage of European integration.


Author(s):  
Gordana Đurović ◽  
Danijela Jaćimović

Regional picture of Western Balkans traditionally represents mosaic of “troublemakers”– an unfinished European project in terms of transition and integration. Ever since the conflicts in early nineties of XX century, countries in this region have been limited by numerous constraints (their own and regional). producing very modest positive effects in terms of growth, building good mutual relations and thus fulfilment of European partners' expectations. EU has been actively involved primarily in stabilisation process and then in reconstruction process since 1995. Cornerstone of this process lies on basic principles of the European strategy for Western Balkans, clearly defined in 1999 and incorporated in Stabilisation and Association Process. Basic principles of the process are: perspective of membership which is the most important driving force for European Integration Process and the region's development, countries of the region should improve their relations while bilateral relations of each country with the EU must account for specific social, economic, political and institutional conditions of each country. Today, countries in the region accept these principles differently. The first principle is broadly accepted and European integration is a part of every governmental development program or policy in the region. The application of other two principles i.e. of more intensive regional European integration has shifting dynamics and the process is developing much slower than expected.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
A. A. Prykhodko

The article analyzes the theoretical and practical aspects of the anti-corruption policy of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Considered that corruption has long been perceived in the EU as a negative phenomenon requiring systematic, strategic and concerted action of a transboundary and transnational character and, in general, a threat to the rule of law. The author concluded that Ukraine will continue to be perceived by a third world country as long as anti-corruption measures are duplicated from one strategic document to another. The anti-corruption strategy of Ukraine should be an early, strategic and systematic tool for the eradication of corruption and the formation of public justice in the context of zero tolerance for such phenomena. Now this is a set of normatively fixed declarative slogans that are consistent with international standards, but are not achievable in practical terms due to the lack of state strategic planning in advance. The new anti-corruption strategy must necessarily include a broad interpretation of all the concepts used in it, including the term “anti-corruption policy”. Taking into account the recommendations of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, the author’s vision of the term “anti-corruption policy” has been formed, as a set of principles, tasks, goals and principles of implementation of law-making and law-enforcement activity of public administration within the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms a state implemented by a system of methods, means and measures to combat corruption in priority areas and in accordance with anti-corruption standards and on the basis of transnational national and cross-border cooperation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka

Summary The paper deals with the changes in the centralized (Kelsenian) model of constitutional review resulting from a state’s membership of the EU, which unequivocally demonstrates the decomposition of the classic paradigm of constitutional judiciary. The main point raised in the paper is that European integration has fundamentally influenced on the four above-mentioned basic elements of the Kelsenian model of constitutional review of legislation, which are the following: the assumption of the hierarchical construction of a legal system; the assumption of the supreme legal force of the constitution as the primary normative act of a given system; a centralised model of reviewing hierarchical conformity of legal norms; coherence of the system guaranteed by a constitutional court’s power to declare defectiveness of a norm and the latter’s derogation. All its fundamental elements have evolved, i.e. the hierarchy of the legal system, the overriding power of the constitution, centralized control of constitutionality, and the erga omnes effect of the ruling on the hierarchical non-conformity of the norms. It should be noted that over the last decade the dynamics of these changes have definitely gained momentum. This has been influenced by several factors, including the “great accession” of 2004, the pursuit of formal constitutionalization of the EU through the Constitutional Treaty, the compromise solutions adopted in the Treaty of Lisbon, the entry into force of the Charter, and the prospect of EU accession to the ECHR. The CJEU has used these factors to deepen the tendencies towards decentralization of constitutional control, by atomising national judicial systems and relativizing the effects of constitutional court rulings within national legal systems. The end result is the observed phenomenon, if not of marginalisation, then at least of a systemic shift in the position of constitutional courts, which have lost their uniqueness and have become “only ones of many” national courts.


Author(s):  
Natalia Popova

The concept of Europeanization has become quite fashionable in EU studies in recent years. It is often used for the analysis of the relations between the EU and non-member states. The aim of the article is to examine the possibilities of its application in explaining the relationship between the EU and Ukraine. The structure of the article is as follows: firstly, the concept of Europeanization is defined considering such two disputable issues as distinguishing among concepts of Europeanization and European integration as well as Europeanization and EU-ization. Next, the evolution of the theoretical research of Europeanization and definition of this concept are analyzed. Two main mechanisms of Europeanization (conditionality and socialization) are examined. The author considers main approaches to the analysis of the "external" Europeanization emphasizing the concept of "external governance". Three groups of factors which influence the effectiveness of Europeanization are briefly analyzed. And finally, the peculiarities of application of the Europeanization concept to the Ukraine-EU relations are outlined. Keywords: EU, Ukraine, Europeanization, EU-ization, ‘external’ Europeanization, conditionality, socialization, concept of ‘external governance’


Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko

The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.


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