Partha Chatterjee’s concepts of civil society and ‘uncivil’ political society: Is the distinction valid?

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-33
Author(s):  
Harihar Bhattacharyya
Author(s):  
Andrew Davies

This chapter examines the August 2011 New Delhi fast against corruption conducted by Anna Hazare. The fast was the largest political mobilisation in India for many years, and attracted widespread coverage. It is argued that approaching this fast as a protest camp has the potential to create a more contextually grounded and nuanced understanding of the events surrounding the fast. The chapter does this by examining the conceptual debate about civil society that structured many commentaries on the fast. These were often based on Partha Chatterjee’s concept of ‘political society’, in which ‘civil’ society is seen as an élite zone which excludes marginal communities who instead occupy ‘political’ society. Whilst conceptually useful, the chapter argues that a protest camps-based approach helps to interrogate the divide between civil/political society, and that such an approach to the Anna Hazare fast would create space for more ethnographic, grounded accounts of political practise.


Author(s):  
Andre Ikhsano ◽  
Yolanda Stellarosa

Restriction on the broadcasting  of 17 western songs considered full of sexual aspects in the Indonesian province of West Java has given rise to  polemic and criticism. Various reactions, both negative and positive, emerged. Instead of supporting the restriction the Indonesian public appeared to blatantly oppose the policy made by the West Java  Regional Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID). It is interesting to analyze and study this phenomenon more deeply through the great concepts of Gramsci’s counter hegemony.  Of course, a mature and strategic counter hegemony is needed  to counter   western music hegemony in the  country. The study of counter hegemony has not been widely discussed, especially when it comes to the counter of the counter hegemony itself and this can be the novelty of this study. This phenomenon is analyzed through critical perspective by conducting literature study in several online media sites  related to the topic of this research. The results show that the counter hegemony which was not carried out systematically and strategically with regard to  the restrictions on the broadcasting of 17 western songs in the province of West Java did not yield a fruit in the form of  the hegemony’s downfall. The hegemony of western songs remains strong.  The failure of counter hegemony will strengthen the hegemony of  western songs in Indonesia. For its part, it is necessary to have mature planning and strong collaboration  between political society and civil society to make the counter hegemony run well in an attempt to undermine the hegemony.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Lucio Oliver Costilla

Resumo Este artigo aborda as atuais mudanças em curso na América do Sul, desde uma sociologia política crítica a partir de uma análise das interconexões entre sociedade política e sociedade civil, em especial gramsciana. Ela propõe ser a chave para construir um campo de problemas teóricos e metodológicos vinculados à teoria crítica e a questão do Estado em sentido integral, que permitam entender o que acontece na sociedade política (a disputa de projetos políticos) e, sobre tudo, na sociedade civil (o universo de ideologias, valores, visões de mundo em jogo). A questão não se trata aceitar a ótica dos autores políticos que dirigem as mudanças em marcha, se não configurar teoricamente a problemática das mudanças. Sugiro que este enfoque de estudo permita valorizar a capacidade de intervenção institucional e político-social das forças progressistas e perguntar se estão apostando, ou não, a elevar os níveis de organização e consciência das massas populares, questão chave na construção hegemônica. Conclui-se que a questão central a elucidar na última década e meia de governos progressistas na América do Sul é saber qual o Estado que se precisa para uma sociedade em expansão e empoderamento, e qual a sociedade civil necessária para sustentar, aprofundar ou consolidar as novas políticas em um sentido emancipador. Palavras-Chave: Crises e reconfiguração da América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construção de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica e política nas mudanças da América Latina.---ResumenEste articulo aborda las actuales mudanzas en curso en América del Sur desde una sociología política critica a partir de una análisis de las interconexiones entre sociedad política y sociedad civil en clave gramsciana. Propone que clave construir un campo de problemas teóricos y metodológicos vinculados a la teoría crítica y a la cuestión del Estado en el sentido integral, que permitan entender lo que acontece en la sociedad política (la disputa de proyectos políticos) y sobre todo en la sociedad civil (el universo de ideologías, valores, visiones del mundo en juego). La cuestión no pasa por aceptar la óptica de los actores políticos que dirigen los cambios en marcha, sino configurar teóricamente la problemática de los cambios. Sugiero que este enfoque de estudio permite valorar la capacidad de intervención institucional y político-social de las fuerzas progresistas y preguntarse si están apostando , o no, a elevar los niveles de organización y conciencia de las masas populares, cuestión clave en la construcción hegemónica. Se concluye que la cuestión central a dilucidar en la última década y media de gobiernos progresistas en América del Sur es saber cuál es el Estado que se precisa para una sociedad en expansión y empoderamiento, y cuál la sociedad civil necesaria para sustentar, profundizar o consolidar las nuevas políticas en un sentido emancipador.Palabras Clave: Crisis y reconfiguración de América Latina. Ruptura epistemológica. Construcción de problemáticas sociológicas. Crítica y política en las mudanzas de América Latina.---AbstractThis article covers the current changes taking place in South America, from a critical political sociology to an analysis of the interconnections between political society and civil society, especially Gramscian. This may be the key to building a field of theoretical and methodological problems linked to the critical theory and the issue of the State, which enables an understanding of the political society (the dispute of political projects) and, above all, of the civil society (the universe of ideologies, values, worldviews at stake). It is not a question of accepting the perspective of political figures that drive the ongoing changes, but to establish, theoretically, the issue of change. I suggest that this study approach will allow develop the ability of institutional and political-social intervention of the progressive forces and question if they are trying, or not, to raise levels of organization and consciousness of the masses, the key issue is in the hegemonic construction. I conclude that the key issue, from the last decade and a half of progressive governments in South America, is to know which is the state that is required for a society in expansion and empowerment and, in an emancipatory sense, which is the civil society needed to sustain, strengthen or consolidate the new policies. Keywords: Crisis and reconfiguration of Latin America. Epistemological rupture. Construction of sociological issues. Critical and political changes in Latin America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 87-113
Author(s):  
Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

This paper will attempt to answer what the current state of contemporary democracy in Mexico is after the return of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to the presidency by analysing the role of Civil Society, Political Society and the Rule of Law from 2012 to 2018. This paper will also explore if the party’s return was indeed a step backwards in the process of Mexican democratisation, or whether it was simply another step on a long road in which the various political parties alternate power. In 2018, Mexico elected its new president for the next consecutive 6 years along with a fair number of congressional seats and local gubernatorial posts, an election that again put Mexican democracy through a difficult test.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris DeWiel

The idea of civil society has undergone a renaissance in recent years, but missing from this literature is an explanation for its historical transformation in meaning. Originally civil society was synonymous with political society, but the common modem meaning emphasizes autonomy from the state. This paper traces this historical transformation within the context of the history of ideas, and suggests that the critical event was an eighteenth-century reaction against the rationalistic universalism associated with the French Enlightenment. The continued significance of the question of universalism is suggested by the fact that universalistic Marxist Leninist theories provided the ideological underpinnings for the destruction of civil society in Eastern European nations. The paper concludes that three elements are essential to the modern understanding of civil society: its autonomy from the state, its interdependence with the state, and the pluralism of values, ideals and ways of life embodied in its institutions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel C. Armony ◽  
Victor Armony

AbstractMost accounts of the turmoil that shook Argentina in 2001–2 focused on the harmful impact of the financial environment, imprudent policymaking, and institutional weaknesses. These explanations paid little attention to the cultural frames and cognitive patterns that underlie the connection between civil society and political society. Based on a discourse analysis of Internet forums and presidential speeches, this article argues that the Argentine crisis cannot be fully grasped without considering the link between collective behavior and ingrained conceptions of national identity. The analysis finds that national myths and definitional questions of national purpose are key factors in the way citizens behave in the context of an economic and political crisis.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris W. Surprenant

After examining the ethical and political writings of Immanuel Kant, one finds an apparent paradox in his philosophy as his perfectionist moral teachings appear to be linked to his anti-perfectionist political theory. Specifically, he writes that the perfection of moral character can only take place for an individual who is inside of civil society, a condition where no laws may legitimately be implemented expressly for the purpose of trying to make individuals moral. Kant believes that living in civil society is a necessary condition for an individual to refine his talents and reason completely, a process required by morality. I believe, however, that the connection between his moral and political theory runs much deeper than simply facilitating the refinement of talents. Kant's moral theory focuses on an individual's cultivation of virtue, but this cultivation cannot be most satisfactorily completed unless that individual is a member of civil society. Put differently, civil society plays a necessary role in cultivating an individual's character so that he is able to act from maxims consistent with the moral law, out of the respect for the law itself. However, because he believes that civic laws primarily intended to encourage moral cultivation cannot be implemented legitimately, it seems curious that this condition should play such a significant role in Kant's moral philosophy. Through this examination of Kant's moral and political theory, it will be shown that Kant's political society establishes a condition necessary for an individual's complete cultivation of virtue, not by implementing laws that make men moral but by weakening the forces of heteronomy, thereby removing barriers to moral action.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Renwick

Several authors argue that the heritage of dissident ideas and activity in East-Central Europe has hindered the development of post-communist political society. But this proposition has not been subject to systematic analysis. This article focuses on one part of that proposition: whether dissident ideas corresponded to the features of “ethical civil society” that some argue harm political society. Concentrating on Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, it differentiates eight varieties of dissident thought. It then assesses the relation of the three most important varieties to ethical civil society, finding that one variety resembled ethical civil society very closely, another only marginally, and the third not at all. It finally draws out implications for the study of political society in the region.


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