Chiefs, elders, and traditional authority

For over a century, Kenya’s chiefs have served as central figures in the formation and implementation of state bureaucracy. Inextricably linked with the colonial and post-colonial state, Kenya’s chiefs are not representative of traditional forms of authority in the way that elders may be said to be, but are rather an embodiment of the state’s bureaucratic apparatus. As a key component of Kenyan bureaucracy through their position in provincial administration, chiefs have played a central role in the implementation of policies, the provision of order, and mobilization of political support. They act as an integral link between the state and ordinary citizens. While chiefs have obtained their right to govern through the state, their power has nevertheless waxed and waned over the years, as they have had to continuously negotiate legitimacy within a pluralistic landscape of locally recognized authorities. This chapter discusses chiefs’ authority in Kenya and the change and continuity of historical processes, which have created, reinforced, and challenged their position and role.

Constitutions and constitutionalism

The notion of a constitutional order is broader than the text of a constitution and includes the norms of international and regional laws. In turn, constitutionalism refers to an adherence to that order and to a system in which power belongs to state offices, rather than to individuals. As such, constitutionalism is a source of power, but it also sets limits on power. This chapter analyses the struggle for constitutional reform and constitutionalism from the 1990s to the introduction of the 2010 Constitution. The chapter then turns to the Constitution’s promise of constitutionalism, to the challenges faced, and to the progress that has nevertheless been made, in large part, due to a clear timetable and more independent judiciary. The chapter concludes that without full implementation of the letter and spirit of the 2010 Constitution, the transformation of Kenya into a constitutional and democratic state is far from assured.

The political economy of Kenya

This chapter introduces the politics of Kenya by focusing on three identities and relationships that have animated its politics over the last 100 years: community, clientelism, and class. This stylized approach is not intended to downplay the importance of formal political and economic institutions. Instead, it is designed to emphasize the need to consider formal institutions in the context of their informal counterparts in order to understand continuity amidst change. Ethnic identities and clientelism have dominated much discussion of Kenyan politics and political economy. To this we add class relations—or what might more accurately be called the degree of elite cohesion—an issue that has often been overlooked, but which plays an important role in shaping the rules of the political game. The chapter analyzes these factors and uses them to explain the key developments in Kenyan politics from the colonial era to the present day.

The political role of Christian churches

Christianity has been intimately involved with power in Kenya since the country’s birth even though much has changed with regards to what Christianity is and what it does. Today, as during the colonial and early post-colonial periods, the political role of Christian churches includes the activities of individual clergy and organized churches, both of which make periodic public statements, provide public services, and support local and national governance. However, increasingly important is the central place of neo-Pentecostal ideas, concepts, and imagery in Kenyan society, which pervade the political realm. This chapter outlines the role of Christian churches as organizations. It also analyzes the growth and spread of Christianity as a religion and as a discursive institution as well as associated understandings and practices. Together, this analysis contributes to an understanding of contemporary politics in Kenya, including the place of neo-Pentecostalized Christianity in the 2013 and 2017 elections and Jubilee regime.

Civil society and the state

This chapter provides an overview of the relationship between civil society and the Kenyan state. It unveils two contradictory trends: civil society’s opposition to, and co-optation by/cooperation with, the state. The chapter argues that these tendencies are contingent on organizational positionality within the prevailing political settlement, which constitutes state authority. The trends further affirm the centrality of civil society in Kenya’s political settlements, and associated reflections of key societal divisions along ethnic and political lines that in turn help to shape organizational relations with the state and broader society. Overall, the checkered relationship between state and civil society supports both popular perceptions of the latter’s contributions to democratization, as well as concerns regarding its transformative potential.

The Coast

Rooted in perceptions of marginalization, ideas of the Coast’s autonomy from Kenya have long animated regional politics, at times expressed as ambitions for secession. However, the appeal of coastal autonomy lies in a lack of resolution on the terms upon which the Coast’s diverse communities can stake a claim as being part of Kenya. This chapter will consider how the Coast’s divisions along ethnic, racial, and religious lines have produced different understandings of marginalization, contributing to the political disunity that has hindered the region’s national integration. Competition for political office under devolution has invigorated participation in local politics. However, when devolved offices are considered as new platforms from which to engage in national politics, the trajectory of county politics reveals that the idea of “the Coast” as a political bloc remains elusive, and that divisions within coastal society may sustain the region’s unequal incorporation into Kenya.

Western

Previously known as Western Province before the country was reorganized under the 2010 Constitution, Western Kenya now consists of Busia, Bungoma, Kakamega, and Vihiga counties. Though the majority of inhabitants are Luhya, their diverse political persuasions have always culminated in different political affiliations and voting patterns during elections. The persistence of the resultant political heterogeneity has not been adequately explained. This chapter attempts to explain this political phenomenon, and assesses devolution’s contribution towards negotiating electoral harmony in the politics of Western Kenya. It is argued that Luhya traditionally cherished decentralized governance centered on clan authority, which saw every sub-group jealously guard its autonomy. The presence of the Teso and Sabaot in the region, with their varying historical grievances, coupled with respect for individual opinion, has further amplified political heterogeneity among the Luhya. Though devolution has triggered negotiations for power-sharing through “negotiated democracy,” it has not harmonized the politics of the region.

Central

The chapter discusses how devolution has played out in the former Central Province of Kenya, comprising the counties of Kiambu, Kirinyaga, Murang’a, Nyandarua, and Nyeri. Devolution was a controversial provision of the Kenyan Constitution, and many in central Kenya believed during its early stages that its costs outweighed its benefits. Further, because most voters backed Uhuru Kenyatta for the presidency, there was not the same desire for local self-government as elsewhere in the country. Central Kenya therefore represents the extreme test of the devolution model—if it is to be said to have become a permanent feature of Kenyan political life, it must be embraced there too. Taking this as the challenge, the chapter finds that, somewhat surprisingly, the new local government structure has been strongly endorsed by citizens and politicians of central Kenya due to the culture of localised self-sufficiency that endures within the traditions of the Kikuyu community.

Nyanza

Until 2010, Kenya comprised eight administrative units known as provinces. Nyanza was one of Kenya’s provinces, located on the Equator, around the shores of Lake Victoria. The largest ethnic group in the province, the Luo, traditionally featured a stateless, decentralized, segmentary lineage system, with neither a single overall leader nor a hereditary leadership system. Yet by the 1960s, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga had welded Luos into a fervent and united support base. Moreover, when Jaramogi died in 1994, his son, Raila Odinga, took over Luo leadership. It is puzzling how Jaramogi—a mere carpenter’s son—and his son, Raila, successively managed to galvanize this segmentary society behind them. This chapter re-conceptualizes Odingaism as a philosophy, retraces its socio-cultural and political roots, and examines its influence on Luo politics. It also provides a short overview of the clan-based politics of the region’s second largest ethnic group, the Gusii, and considers the influence of devolution on the politics of Nyanza.

The rise of China in Kenya’s foreign relations

In the past few decades, Kenya has benefitted considerably from its improved relations with China. Chinese investments in infrastructure, education, and ICT have opened up greater opportunities for development. Moreover, the availability of diverse and affordable goods has enabled many Kenyans to engage in more commercial activities. This economics-driven diplomacy has been shaped by Kenyan and Chinese political leaders, shifts in the structure of the international system after the Cold War, and the evolving interests of both countries. However, Kenya’s diplomacy is based on a weak knowledge base, as few Kenyan policy makers speak Mandarin and understand China’s diplomatic history. Moreover, China’s investment patterns, which differ from those of Kenya’s traditional Western partners, could negatively impact on Kenya’s commercial domination of eastern Africa. Thus, while Kenya–China relations have promoted some of Kenya’s policy objectives, they also contain the potential to undermine some of Kenya’s other long-range goals.