scholarly journals Energy Policy and European Union Politics

Author(s):  
Anna Herranz-Surrallés

Energy policy has been considered as a “special case of Europeanization,” due to its tardy and patchy development as a domain of EU activity as well as its important but highly contested external dimension. Divergent energy pathways across Member States and the sensitivity of this policy domain have militated against a unified European Energy Policy. And yet, since the mid-2000s cooperation in this policy area has picked up speed, leading to the adoption of the Energy Union, presented by the European Commission as the most ambitious energy initiative since the European Coal and Steel Community. This dynamism has attracted growing scholarly attention, seeking to determine whether, why and how European Energy Policy has consolidated against all odds during a particularly critical moment for European integration. The underlying question that emerges in this context is whether the Energy Union represents a step forward towards a more homogenous and joined-up energy policy or, rather a strategy to manage heterogeneity through greater flexibility and differentiated integration. Given the multilevel and multisectoral characteristics of energy policy, answering these questions requires a three-fold analysis of (1) the degree of centralization of European Energy Policy (vertical integration), (2) the coherence between energy sub-sectors (cross-sectoral integration), and (3) the territorial extension of the energy acquis beyond the EU Member States (horizontal integration). Taken together, the Energy Union has catalyzed integration on the three dimensions. First, EU institutions are formally involved in almost every aspect of energy policy, including sensitive areas such as ensuring energy supplies. Second, the Energy Union, with its new governance regulation, brings under one policy framework energy sub-sectors that had developed in silos. And finally, energy policy is the only sector that has generated a multilateral process dedicated to the integration of non-members into the EU energy market. However, this integrationist dynamic has also been accompanied by an increase in internal and external differentiation. Although structural forms of differentiation based on sectoral opt-outs and enhanced cooperation have been averted, European Energy Policy is an example of so-called “micro-differentiation,” characterized by flexible implementation, soft governance and tailor-made exemptions and derogations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-199
Author(s):  
Olga Yudina ◽  

The article analyzes the results of the EU Energy Union activities from 2015 to 2019 and its contribution to the shaping of the European Union common energy policy. The significance of the activities of the EU Energy Union in promoting a common energy policy is considered in three dimensions: external, internal and in the field of establishing a management system. The author notes a huge increase in the influence of the European Commission on the formation of EU common energy policy, the existence of contradictions between the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty and the actual powers of the European Commission in terms of energy, as well as the continuing dichotomy among the EU member states on the issue of energy communitarisation. It is indicated that the establishment of a clear and predictable management system for the EU Energy Union made a significant contribution to the strengthening of European Commission‟s energy authority. Concluding that the European Commission is doing its best in the formation of a common external energy policy, the author draws attention to the potential internal and external difficulties that the European Commission faces in pursuing a policy aimed at strengthening its powers in the energy field.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (18) ◽  
pp. 7675
Author(s):  
Guillaume Lafortune ◽  
Grayson Fuller ◽  
Guido Schmidt-Traub ◽  
Christian Kroll

Evidence-based policymaking must be rooted in sound data to inform policy priorities, budget allocations, and tracking of progress. This is especially true in the case of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as they provide the policy framework that all 193 UN member states have pledged to achieve by 2030. Good data and clear metrics are critical for each country to take stock of where it stands, devise pathways for achieving the goals, and track progress. Current assessments of the EU’s performance on the SDGs, however, tend to reach different findings and policy conclusions on where the priorities for further action lie, which can be confusing for researchers and policymakers. In order to demystify the drivers of such differences and make them transparent, this paper compares and contrasts the results obtained by four SDG monitoring approaches. We identify three main elements that are responsible for most of the differences: (i) the use of pre-defined targets for calculating baseline assessments and countries’ trajectories; (ii) the inclusion of measures that track not only domestic performance, but also the EU’s transboundary impacts on the rest of the world; and (iii) the use of non-official statistics to bridge data gaps, especially for biodiversity goals. This paper concludes that there is not one “correct” way of providing an assessment of whether the EU and EU member states are on track to achieve the goals, but we illustrate how the different results are the outcomes of certain methodological choices. More “forward-looking” policy trackers are needed to assess implementation efforts on key SDG transformations.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (17) ◽  
pp. 5237
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Janik ◽  
Adam Ryszko ◽  
Marek Szafraniec

The European Union has adopted very ambitious climate and energy goals for the coming years. The key prerequisite to successfully achieve these goals seems to be extensive support and adequate commitment of the member states and their citizens to the implementation of the clean energy transition and climate neutrality measures. Therefore, this study presents a comprehensive analysis aiming to identify the factors determining the EU citizens’ attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities. The analysis was based on representative data obtained from residents of twenty-seven EU countries using a Eurobarometer survey. The collected data were subjected to a comparative analysis and binary logistic regression. The research results demonstrated that the support for specific energy policy priorities varies significantly depending on different perceptions of the EU citizens and was affected by a number of demographic variables. It was indicated that perceiving the environment, climate and energy as the most important issues from the perspective of an individual, a country and the EU significantly affects attitudes towards energy policy priorities. However, this mostly concerned the awareness of the importance of these issues at the EU level. Individuals who supported a common energy policy among the EU member states were more likely to point to green energy priorities, whereas guaranteeing low energy prices for companies and consumers seemed less important for them. It was remarkable that the reduction of energy consumption was indicated as an energy policy priority by respondents expecting both more and less decision-making at the European level in the field of environmental protection. People with a right-wing orientation were the most likely to support the competitiveness of the EU’s industry, while individuals with a leftist ideology showed the strongest tendency to opt for environmental protection. Furthermore, gender, occupation and the place and country of residence emerged as very important determinants of attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities, whereas age and the educational level were predictors in very few cases only.


Significance The proposals are the latest in a long line of attempts to establish a more integrated approach to energy policy within the EU and greater coordination of energy diplomacy with the rest of the world. The latest scheme, conceived against the background of deteriorating relations with Russia and amid fears for the bloc's energy security, originated in calls from former Polish Prime Minister (now President of the European Council) Donald Tusk for the EU to act collectively to boost its indigenous energy resources and negotiate collectively with energy exporters. Impacts The Energy Union could help to enhance EU energy policy and diplomacy but stops well short of centralising energy policy decisions. It is unclear how far member states will be willing to delegate responsibilities in areas such as market regulation and energy diplomacy. It is uncertain how far the Commission will be prepared to use enforcement powers where member states fail to meet existing commitments.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (9) ◽  
pp. 2711
Author(s):  
Barbara Kryk ◽  
Małgorzata Klaudia Guzowska

The most important goals on the Europe 2020 Strategy contained were the climate/energy goals, which determine the achievement of other targets of the strategy. The aim of the article is to evaluate the implementation of the climate/energy targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy by the EU Member States in 2010 and 2019 and to compare the results achieved by them. To measure them, a basic set of indicators was used for this purpose, which the authors supplemented with additional indicators. The evaluation was done using the taxonomic and zero-unitarization method. They made it possible to integrate all indicators. Moreover, the added value in relation to other studies is: the use of individual indicators, instead of general ones obtaining additional information about the internal structure and nature of the implementation of multidimensional groups of targets and focusing solely on the achievement of climate/energy targets. The achieved results not only reflect the progress of the Member States in achieving the climate/energy targets and the differences in the level of achieving objectives between countries, but they are also discussion on future strategic objectives, their indicators and necessary directions for a further community climate/energy policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ornella Mikuš ◽  
Magdalena Zrakić ◽  
Tihana Kovačićek ◽  
Mateja Jež Rogelj

Abstract The aim of the paper is: 1) to determine the key changes in the evolution process of the EU Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) and the Croatia’s fisheries policy and 2) to describe the structure and dynamics of macroeconomic and budget performance related to Croatian fisheries in the period 2007-2016. Two methods were used: the historical method and the descriptive analysis of macroeconomic performance and budget structure. The CFP was officially introduced in 1983, bringing the management of fisheries in all EU member states under one system. Its aims were: to resolve sea conflicts between member states, to provide stability to the fisheries sector, to prevent a total collapse of fish stocks and to provide higher quality of life to the fishermen. However, the CFP has constantly been criticized for poor enforcement of environmental measures and scientific recommendations, and for the lack of a common language between the EU institutions and local stakeholders. Both the European and Croatian fisheries sector faced many problems, especially during the transition period in the 1990s. Some of them included a serious decrease of catches, outdated technology and fisheries fleet, depletion of demersal species, lack of developmental trends in mariculture, absence of measures of rational exploitation and protection of economically significant species. The negotiation period was an opportunity for the fisheries sector in Croatia to adapt its goals, measures and stakeholders in order to achieve a more sustainable and internationally competitive fisheries sector in the future. The membership facilitates trade in the EU area, along with providing significant funding and technical assistance. The budget support structure and the existing policy framework point out an increase in the implementation of structural measures which should assist in an overall improvement of social, economic and environmental aspects of fisheries.


Author(s):  
Evan Thompson

The Lisbon Treaty which entered into force in 2009 was a major event in the ongoing evolution of the European Union (EU) project. However, despite important changes, energy policy formation remains muddled and continues to be area of contest between the EU and its Member States. This in turn means that trade dynamics with important energy providers such as Australia become affected by the internal dynamics concerning energy policy within the EU. Complicating this further is the advancement of climate change mitigation as a major policy issue also has wide ranging implications.The article argues that despite the Lisbon Treaty providing a legal basis for formulating energy policy through the application of shared competences, it does not exercise any substantive direct influence on national or trade-related issues surrounding energy. Instead of the EU exercising relative control, trade in energy resources is still conducted largely on a bilateral basis with EU Member States continuing to determine the primary aspects of their energy policy. As such, the greatest impact the EU has on Member State-Australia’s energy trade is indirect, through binding policy initiatives originally negotiated by the Member States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
O. Yudina

Received 08.05.2020. Energy has always been of particular importance to the European Union. Meanwhile, up to the beginning of the 21st century, this area had been in exclusive competence of member states, with timid attempts of the European Commission (EC) to receive part of the powers in the energy sphere. The article is devoted to the issues of the EU common external energy policy development that was accompanied by a dichotomy of interests between the member-states, which hardly like the idea of the energy sector communitarisation, and the European Commission, which has been the main driver of supranationalisation of the energy sphere for a long period of time. The author characterizes the main achievements towards the EU common external energy policy, including the law regarding the export of energy to neighboring non-member countries through various organizations, such as the Energy Community, the Eastern Partnership, MEDREG, and launching of the European Energy Union (EEU) in 2015. Special attention is paid to external factors that facilitated the enhancement of the European Commission’s role in the energy sphere. The new era for the EU common external energy policy started in 2015 with the EEU and energy security as one of its priority, partly due to the gas crises and political tension between the European Union and Russia. It is noted that the EEU has facilitated the adoption of some EC’s legal proposals that could not be adopted for a long time, such as the mechanism of consultations on new intergovernmental contracts. In general, the creation of the Energy Union should certainly be seen as strengthening the supranational energy competences of the European Commission. It is concluded that the European Commission has made a significant progress towards a common external energy policy, strongly supported by the public opinion that the European Union should speak one voice with third countries. Despite the lack of legally supported competencies in energy for the EC, it gained authority in different directions of the EU energy policy development. Under these circumstances, the common energy market that has led to energy interdependent of the member states, forces them to cooperate at a supranational level. The author argues that third countries should clearly understand the dynamic and processes of communitarisation of the energy sphere and adopt their cooperation with the European Union based on this knowledge.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 1117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ligus ◽  
Piotr Peternek

The development of a complete system of indicators and a composite sustainable energy index could prove useful to evaluate both the state of the art and the progress of national energy towards sustainable development. However, in the case of energy sustainability, a knowledge gap arises due to incomplete coverage and lack of systematic focus on sustainability components. The objective of our research is to obtain Sustainable Energy Development Aggregated Index to rank the EU Member States on the path to sustainable energy. We propose a set of indicators related to sustainable development in energy policy in the EU-28, grouped in three dimensions: social, economic and environmental and apply the standardized sums method in order to obtain the dimensional and aggregated indexes. The countries on the podium are Denmark, The Netherlands and Austria. The worst-performing countries (with index values below the first quartile) are Estonia, Malta, Slovakia, Poland, Greece, Cyprus and Bulgaria. A comparative analysis of the outcome with a few existing indexes for the EU Member States shows how large an impact on the index values and the ranking obtained does the selection of indicators and the methodology used have. The refinement of the set of energy indicators is necessary for the context where they will be applied to ensure their policy relevance and usefulness. It is also necessary to conduct a sensitivity analysis each time in the study.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 192-197
Author(s):  
Jakub Gábor

AbstractThe United Kingdom has left the European Union on 31 January 2020. Discussions that preceded such a move were conducted in three dimensions: they pertained a post-Brexit relationship between the UK and EU, future conduct within the UK and the one within the EU. Whilst public discourse has been dominated by the first two, this paper approaches the third one – on how Brexit has affected relationships between remaining 27 EU Member States. Stemming from the calculation of Banzhaf indices, it assesses the impact of Brexit on the voting power of remaining Member States in the Council of the EU – arguably the most important body within the EU institutional architecture – and identifies which countries are going to record the most significant gains and losses in this respect.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document