scholarly journals Determinants of the EU Citizens’ Attitudes towards the European Energy Union Priorities

Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (17) ◽  
pp. 5237
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Janik ◽  
Adam Ryszko ◽  
Marek Szafraniec

The European Union has adopted very ambitious climate and energy goals for the coming years. The key prerequisite to successfully achieve these goals seems to be extensive support and adequate commitment of the member states and their citizens to the implementation of the clean energy transition and climate neutrality measures. Therefore, this study presents a comprehensive analysis aiming to identify the factors determining the EU citizens’ attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities. The analysis was based on representative data obtained from residents of twenty-seven EU countries using a Eurobarometer survey. The collected data were subjected to a comparative analysis and binary logistic regression. The research results demonstrated that the support for specific energy policy priorities varies significantly depending on different perceptions of the EU citizens and was affected by a number of demographic variables. It was indicated that perceiving the environment, climate and energy as the most important issues from the perspective of an individual, a country and the EU significantly affects attitudes towards energy policy priorities. However, this mostly concerned the awareness of the importance of these issues at the EU level. Individuals who supported a common energy policy among the EU member states were more likely to point to green energy priorities, whereas guaranteeing low energy prices for companies and consumers seemed less important for them. It was remarkable that the reduction of energy consumption was indicated as an energy policy priority by respondents expecting both more and less decision-making at the European level in the field of environmental protection. People with a right-wing orientation were the most likely to support the competitiveness of the EU’s industry, while individuals with a leftist ideology showed the strongest tendency to opt for environmental protection. Furthermore, gender, occupation and the place and country of residence emerged as very important determinants of attitudes towards the European Energy Union priorities, whereas age and the educational level were predictors in very few cases only.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
O. Yudina

Received 08.05.2020. Energy has always been of particular importance to the European Union. Meanwhile, up to the beginning of the 21st century, this area had been in exclusive competence of member states, with timid attempts of the European Commission (EC) to receive part of the powers in the energy sphere. The article is devoted to the issues of the EU common external energy policy development that was accompanied by a dichotomy of interests between the member-states, which hardly like the idea of the energy sector communitarisation, and the European Commission, which has been the main driver of supranationalisation of the energy sphere for a long period of time. The author characterizes the main achievements towards the EU common external energy policy, including the law regarding the export of energy to neighboring non-member countries through various organizations, such as the Energy Community, the Eastern Partnership, MEDREG, and launching of the European Energy Union (EEU) in 2015. Special attention is paid to external factors that facilitated the enhancement of the European Commission’s role in the energy sphere. The new era for the EU common external energy policy started in 2015 with the EEU and energy security as one of its priority, partly due to the gas crises and political tension between the European Union and Russia. It is noted that the EEU has facilitated the adoption of some EC’s legal proposals that could not be adopted for a long time, such as the mechanism of consultations on new intergovernmental contracts. In general, the creation of the Energy Union should certainly be seen as strengthening the supranational energy competences of the European Commission. It is concluded that the European Commission has made a significant progress towards a common external energy policy, strongly supported by the public opinion that the European Union should speak one voice with third countries. Despite the lack of legally supported competencies in energy for the EC, it gained authority in different directions of the EU energy policy development. Under these circumstances, the common energy market that has led to energy interdependent of the member states, forces them to cooperate at a supranational level. The author argues that third countries should clearly understand the dynamic and processes of communitarisation of the energy sphere and adopt their cooperation with the European Union based on this knowledge.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (11) ◽  
pp. 167-173
Author(s):  
Mihail V. Rybin ◽  
◽  
Alexander A. Stepanov ◽  
Nadezhda V. Morozova ◽  
◽  
...  

The article reveals and analyzes conceptual approaches to the formation of strategic directions of energy policy of the European Union and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. A critical assess-ment is given from the point of view of international cooperation in the field of energy between the Russian Federation, Poland and the EU as a whole and, in particular, European, national and regional programs for the transformation of the fuel and energy sector in the conditions of decarbonization and transition to green energy.


elni Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Thomas Ormond

In recent years it has become fashionable again among politicians and publicists across Europe to practice ‘Brussels bashing’ and make the EU responsible for many ills of globalisation and modern society. This applies in particular to the field of environmental law. The European Union has been active in the field of environmental protection since the 1970s, i.e. since a time when there was no Union yet but a European Economic Community (EEC), a European Coal and Steel Community and a European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). The EEC Treaty of 1957 did not know the term ‘environmental protection’ and for the next decades did not contain any explicit legislative competence for this subject matter. The main instrument of EU environmental policy is the directive. In the European context it means a framework law, as proposed by the EU Commission and adopted by the Council and the European Parliament, which the Member States have to transpose within certain deadlines into their national law, and specify and implement by their authorities into practice. The directive is binding as regards the objective (the result to be achieved) but leaves the choice of form and methods to the national authorities. It is estimated that 80% of current environmental law in Germany (as well as probably in other Member States) is determined by the European Union. The author of this article presents his thoughts on how the EU shapes Member State environmental law and policy, highlighting inter alia “innovation from Brussels” such as EIA, access to environmental information and climate protection, as well as the systematic and risk-based approach as hallmark of EU legislation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-295
Author(s):  
Florence Humblet ◽  
Kabir Duggal

Climate change is severely impacting the survival of humankind on earth. In the European Union (EU), the Charter of Fundamental Rights (EU Charter) codifies environmental protection as part of the EU’s corpus of fundamental rights protection and states that “a high level of environmental protection and the improvement of the quality of the environment must be integrated into the policies of the EU and ensured in accordance with the principle of sustainable development”. By virtue of this article, the EU has elevated environmental protection to the level of constitutionality. Environmental concerns have played a critical role in investor-state arbitration. This article submits that Article 37 of the EU Charter might be a viable defence for Member States of the EU (Member States) that adopt climate change and environmental measures. Such defence would not consist of a jurisdictional challenge based on the Achmea decision but of a defence based on the applicable law which protects the notion of sustainable investment enshrined in the applicable international investment agreement. Article 37 of the EU Charter could, therefore, operate a powerful tool to foster environmental protection in investor-state disputes and, therefore, address one of the most widespread complaints in the backlash against investor-state arbitration.


2020 ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
Jan Braun ◽  

Purpose – The purpose of the article is to present the development of horizontal aid for environ-mental protection and objectives related to green energy in Poland in comparison with other EU countries in 2009-2017. The above category of state aid in Poland has been characterised in detail, considering its sources, forms, entities providing support as well as the main beneficiaries of aid. Research method – The article utilises the analysis of existing data on horizontal aid for environmental protection and energy objectives in Poland and European Union countries. Results – During the period 2014-2017, as part of horizontal aid in Poland, the majority of aid was granted for environmental protection and energy objectives (in 2014 it accounted for 45% of the total horizontal aid). In the European Union, by comparison, a gradual increase in the share of the abovementioned category of assistance in the total state aid granted in the analysed period is noticeable. The largest share of the studied category in total state aid was recorded in Sweden, Austria and Germany, while the largest increase in the share of this aid in total state aid was seen in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia and Romania. Originality /value / implications /recommendations - As a result of the strategies implemented in the EU states, the aid for environmental protection and energy objectives is currently one of the most important categories of horizontal aid. This article offers a multifaceted analysis of the above assistance in Poland and a detailed comparison of the level of this support in the EU countries.


Author(s):  
Anna Herranz-Surrallés

Energy policy has been considered as a “special case of Europeanization,” due to its tardy and patchy development as a domain of EU activity as well as its important but highly contested external dimension. Divergent energy pathways across Member States and the sensitivity of this policy domain have militated against a unified European Energy Policy. And yet, since the mid-2000s cooperation in this policy area has picked up speed, leading to the adoption of the Energy Union, presented by the European Commission as the most ambitious energy initiative since the European Coal and Steel Community. This dynamism has attracted growing scholarly attention, seeking to determine whether, why and how European Energy Policy has consolidated against all odds during a particularly critical moment for European integration. The underlying question that emerges in this context is whether the Energy Union represents a step forward towards a more homogenous and joined-up energy policy or, rather a strategy to manage heterogeneity through greater flexibility and differentiated integration. Given the multilevel and multisectoral characteristics of energy policy, answering these questions requires a three-fold analysis of (1) the degree of centralization of European Energy Policy (vertical integration), (2) the coherence between energy sub-sectors (cross-sectoral integration), and (3) the territorial extension of the energy acquis beyond the EU Member States (horizontal integration). Taken together, the Energy Union has catalyzed integration on the three dimensions. First, EU institutions are formally involved in almost every aspect of energy policy, including sensitive areas such as ensuring energy supplies. Second, the Energy Union, with its new governance regulation, brings under one policy framework energy sub-sectors that had developed in silos. And finally, energy policy is the only sector that has generated a multilateral process dedicated to the integration of non-members into the EU energy market. However, this integrationist dynamic has also been accompanied by an increase in internal and external differentiation. Although structural forms of differentiation based on sectoral opt-outs and enhanced cooperation have been averted, European Energy Policy is an example of so-called “micro-differentiation,” characterized by flexible implementation, soft governance and tailor-made exemptions and derogations.


Significance The proposals are the latest in a long line of attempts to establish a more integrated approach to energy policy within the EU and greater coordination of energy diplomacy with the rest of the world. The latest scheme, conceived against the background of deteriorating relations with Russia and amid fears for the bloc's energy security, originated in calls from former Polish Prime Minister (now President of the European Council) Donald Tusk for the EU to act collectively to boost its indigenous energy resources and negotiate collectively with energy exporters. Impacts The Energy Union could help to enhance EU energy policy and diplomacy but stops well short of centralising energy policy decisions. It is unclear how far member states will be willing to delegate responsibilities in areas such as market regulation and energy diplomacy. It is uncertain how far the Commission will be prepared to use enforcement powers where member states fail to meet existing commitments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
Melinda Perecsényi

In our globalised world the phenomenon of Babylonian confusion can be observed in relation to the concept of sovereignty, and the boundaries of national, European, and international law are becoming increasingly blurred. In the following, I will seek an answer to the question how the term of sovereignty is rewritten, and the scope of its interpretation expanded in our globalised and Europeanised surroundings. In this context, I will present firstly some major international and Hungarian approaches to the definition of sovereignty in modern times. Secondly, I will examine how the sovereignty of the Member States has developed in the European Union, highlighting to what extent can we talk about a sovereign energy policy of the Member States in the light of shared competences adopted in the field of energy policy. Thirdly, I will scrutinise how EU energy policy can change in the near future, and what kind of a role Member States can play in this process. As there is still no universally accepted definition of sovereignty, the role of science is essential in the conceptualisation of the term. The Treaty of Lisbon has brought a supranational turn also in the field of energy, but Member States still have a relatively wide leeway to create their own regulatory framework that takes into account their national and regional characteristics. Environmental considerations in recent years have led to the initiation of a single energy market and the creation of the European energy union that is expected to become more intense in the near future. Therefore, it is crucial for Member States, both at a national and a regional level, to be actively involved in the establishment and formulation of community law in order to be able to represent their interest effectively.


Significance This represents a continuation of its attempts to develop an energy union and promote the development of clean energy options. It aims at helping member states move away from their current state-centric systems to more consumer-focused, competitive and environmentally friendly models. Impacts If fully implemented, the package is expected to lower emissions by 43% on current levels by 2030. Depending on the United Kingdom's energy relationship with the EU after Brexit, it may be affected by the rules after its withdrawal. The United Kingdom's ability to influence the policy will be limited given its declining political capital with other member states.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-119
Author(s):  
Maciej Jabłoński

The organization of environmental protection in Poland and the European Union is a mutual connection of competencies and a correlation of systems and rights according to national and EU laws. The legal system of the EU is the result of decades of cooperation undertaken by the will of the Member States known as the acquis communautaire. EU law has primacy over national law, which in practice means that in the event of a conflict between the provisions of national law and EU law, the national law is deemed inapplicable and needs to be adjusted by the Member State.


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