The History and Historiography of Populism in Brazil (1930–1964)

Author(s):  
Angela de Castro Gomes

The first decades of the 21st century brought back to the international arena a family of terms well known in Latin America to designate both styles of politics and the leaders who embodied them: populism and populists. Brazil is seen as a paradigmatic example of this type of experience, called “classic populism,” for two periods of its history, corresponding to its process of transition from a “traditional” society to a “modern” economy and society. The first period ran from the 1930 revolution until 1945, with the fall of the Estado Novo and the removal of its “leader,” Getúlio Vargas. The latter period covered the 1950s, “the golden years of populism,” since, despite the socioeconomic development achieved, democracy did not manage to establish itself in the country. The populist interpretation of this period of Brazilian history was formulated and shared by academia, essentially after the 1964 coup, and was dominant in the 1960s and 1970s. However, it extended these frontiers, using the language of the media, political conflicts, and the common sense of Brazilians. Widely used, the concepts of populism and populist were conflated with the events and characters they name, only being critiqued in the 1980s and 1990s. Since then, the number of scholars seeking other references has grown, whether redrafting the meanings of the original proposal, the case of the “populist political system,” or abandoning it completely, in the example of the “trabalhista pact.” In this dense debate, one constant can be observed: in Brazil populism became a “category of accusation,” translating negative values present in the “other” to whom one is referring. Although many academic studies do not use this pejorative tone, it is so consolidated in Brazilian politics that it has become part of the political culture of parties and trade unions, circulating widely.

2007 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Di Cori

This article focuses on the gap and conflicts in Italy between the so-called ‘historical feminists’ of the 1960s and 1970s, and the generation of young women who entered the public and political arena from 1990 onwards. It discusses the absence of a critical and self-critical perspective within the Italian historical feminist tradition, the various political conflicts that emerged before and during the Berlusconi right-wing government at the beginning of 2000 and the absence of an active visible presence of young women in the media and in politics.


2005 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 794-820 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Waddington ◽  
Colin Whitston

This paper shows that restructuring and the associated political programme have thrown British unions onto the defensive. It rejects arguments that unions have been 'tamed' and that unions are in terminal crisis, but argues that union structures and practices intended for application in the 1960s and 1970s were found to be inappropriate for the circumstances of the 1990s. Since 1979 a range of policy initiatives have been launched to address existing weaknesses. A review of these identifies several shortcomings and suggests that attempts to establish a 'new' agenda have only just begun.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-72
Author(s):  
Anna Delius

This article explores how repression and everyday conflicts at the workplace were connected with labor rights and trade unionism in two authoritarian regimes. It focuses on worker and labor activists’ media in Francoist Spain and in state socialist Poland during the years 1965–68 and 1977–79, respectively. Spanish and Polish workers both lacked the right to join and form independent trade unions, the right to free assembly and association, and the right to strike. At the same time, they faced comparable problems in their everyday working lives, including low salaries, excessive overtime, incompetent management, and deficits in safety and hygiene standards. In this context, (illegal) magazines for workers emerged. They provided new arenas for exchanging experiences, advertised strike actions all across the country, called for united action, and explained national legislation and global labor norms. Based on an analysis of Spanish and Polish workers’ publications, this contribution investigates how labor activists in these states addressed day-to-day problems and the constant violations of internationally binding labor norms.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
William Liell Carter

<p>In the period 1966-1974 there were at least forty independent, low-budget feature films made in the United States about motorcycle gangs. These films were inspired by media coverage of the notorious exploits of actual gangs in the post-War period. They depict bikers as violent libertines who live non-conformist lives and engage frequently in anti-social behaviour. The films are marked by motorcycle 'runs,' wild parties, brawls, and sexual violence. While the biker film has received some critical attention, it has not been analysed to the same extent as that more reputable and better known genre of the same period, the road movie. This thesis will expand on existing research by initially examining the factors that shaped the biker film, such as the media panic about real gangs, the influence of the counterculture, exploitation filmmaking, and New Hollywood cinema. The project will also investigate the narrative features of the genre, and link this analysis to debates around post-classical narration. Finally, the thesis will interpret the representation of gender in the biker film. This thesis will argue that the biker film should be situated within a continuum of male-oriented genres that involve violent spectacle. It will also make a contribution to the ongoing research on New Hollywood cinema.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Scodeller

AbstractThis article reconstructs the educational policies of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (CLASC)—the name of which was later changed to the Latin American Central of Workers (CLAT) —in the context of the Latin American Cold War. It provides an empirical description of its pedagogical praxis, showing how it was shaped in constant dialogue with the region's conflictive context. It explores how they viewed political training in relation to both their organizing efforts and struggles, applying a conception that brought together “action, organization and training” as integrated elements, in the run to foster class awareness, build up a “new society,” and “workers’ organized power”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 725-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Kiely

Neoliberalism is often sharply contrasted with collectivist ideologies, including conservatism and fascism as well as socialism. This paper challenges such a characterization as too one-sided, focusing on neoliberalism in the context of ‘crises’ of liberal modernity, highlighting significant areas of overlap with authoritarian conservative and neo-fascist critiques of the rise of ‘mass democracy’ in the 1930s, and the common project to resist the politicization of the market economy and constitutional order. This project was applied and adapted in the post-1945 context, and specifically the second crisis of liberal modernity in the 1960s and 1970s, which turned to insights from the Chicago School to support economic technocracy over democracy. It was in this context that neoliberals developed either a more explicit authoritarianism in order to resist the demands of democracy, or the reconstruction of governance according to market principles, both designed to ‘de-democratize’ the liberal democratic political order.


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (S1) ◽  
pp. S81-S97
Author(s):  
Brian Porter-Szűcs

It seems clear that there is a common ideological foundation linking Putin, Le Pen, Orbán, Erdoğan, Trump, Kaczyński, and others, but labeling that ideology has been difficult. Many in the media have called them “populists,” but this term can be misleading and imprecise. This essay focuses on Poland in order to propose a genealogy that transcends conventional divisions between left and right. The phrase “exclusionary egalitarianism” helps us recognize the intertwined commitments to both racism and nationalism on the one hand, and an opposition to inequalities of wealth and status on the other. While the analogy to the radical right of the 1930s is helpful, there is an even closer link to the “national communists” of the 1960s and 1970s.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
John Higley

A society becomes postindustrial when 40 percent of its workforce is employed in bureaucratic and service work, a proportion that increases quite rapidly to 70-75, even 80 percent (cf. Bell 1999, xv). By the 1950s the composition of workforces in the United States, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Canada had reached the 40 percent threshold to postindustrial conditions, and during the succeeding two or three decades virtually all other Western countries, plus Japan, crossed it. Quite unforeseen by nearly all observers at the time, non-elites in the first postindustrial societies began to divide into two loose interest and attitude camps during the 1960s and 1970s. The camps’ boundaries were not contiguous with those of the classes and strata that derived from the agricultural, manual industrial, and non-manual workforce components so prominent during historical socioeconomic development.


Muzikologija ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 167-194
Author(s):  
Jelena Jovanovic

It is commonly understood that a concept album is ?a studio album where all musical or lyrical ideas contribute to a single overall theme or unified story? (Shuker 2002: 5). In this paper this term will be used to denote an album containing extra-musical themes and not simply collections of compositions defined only by genre or theme. In order for an album to belong to this category, it must have taken a thematic unity realized by the common content (thematically) of its compositions and common musical means. Although the beginnings of such creative trends can be traced from 1940, the 1960s and 1970s brought the most influential releases of this kind, especially The Beatles? album Sgt. Pepper?s Lonely Hearts Club Band (1967), which has had a great impact on many authors. As far as is known, the topic of concept albums in Yugoslavia has not yet been elaborated, so this article seems to be the first dedicated to this subject. It seems that in Yugoslavia there had been albums with elements of concept released before the appearance of the Kamen na kamen group album in 1973, entitled LP-60993 (Zagreb: Jugoton). The author of the album was Nikola Borota Radovan. After that, a double LP by the same ensemble and songwriter appeared in 1975 entitled OOUR/AVNOJ (RTV Ljubljana), with even more clearly expressed characteristics of concept. The aim of this article is to show that the thematic and conceptual elements of these editions are firmly connected to those of the concept album. These LPs were formed within the following thematic and contextual frames: 1) Borota`s general inclination towards folklore tradition(s) as a permanent source of inspiration, 2) models among the greatest popular music works that influenced his writing projects, primarily The Beatles? concept albums, and 3) social, economic and political circumstances in Yugoslavia at the time when these albums appeared. Even if it is not strictly a concept album in the full sense, the album LP- 60993 might be regarded as the first album with elements of concept published by a Yugoslav author, according to all the criteria and analyzed results. The elements that show a clear connection to the concept are as follows: leading subject(s)/idea(s) that demand(s) the order of compositions, organization of musical elements and motives on macro- and micro-levels (to produce formal and thematic unity), elements of narrative and musical/sound symbols, including elements of musique concr?te.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Shelton

This article examines how residents from two disparate, central Houston, Texas, neighborhoods—the white and wealthy Courtlandt Place and the predominately black, mostly lower-class Third Ward—responded to disruptive physical changes caused by highway building in the 1960s and 1970s. To resist highway construction and its aftereffects, residents from both communities embraced a rhetoric and set of actions that turned their homes and streets into political tools. By transforming elements of the built environment from inert materials into arenas in which they could claim and assert political power, the Houstonians examined here crafted a shared set of actions this article frames as expressions of “infrastructural citizenship.” While imbalances in racial and economic power shaped the outcomes of these two fights, the common language and action residents found in infrastructural citizenship allowed them to protect their visions of the city and to participate in the planning of its future.


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