Formation of Numerals in the Romance Languages

Author(s):  
Brigitte L.M. Bauer

The Romance languages have a rich numeral system that includes cardinals—providing the bases on which the other types of numeral series are built—ordinals, fractions, collectives, approximatives, distributives, and multiplicatives. Latin plays a decisive and continued role in their formation, both as the language to which many numerals go back directly and as an ongoing source for lexemes and formatives. While the Latin numeral system was synthetic, with a distinct ending for each type of numeral, the Romance numerals often feature more than one (unevenly distributed) marker or structure per series, which feature varying degrees of inherited, borrowed, or innovative elements. Formal consistency is strongest in cardinals, followed by ordinals and then the other types of numeral, which also tend to be more analytic or periphrastic. From a morphological perspective, Romance numerals overall have moved away from the inherited syntheticity, but several series continue to be synthetic formations—at least in part—with morphological markers drawn from Latin that may have undergone functional change (e.g. distributive > ordinal > collective). The underlying syntax of Romance numerals is in line with the overall grammatical patterns of Romance languages, as reflected in the prevalence of word order (with arithmetical correlates), connectors, (partial) loss of agreement, and analyticity. Innovation is prominent in the formation of higher numerals with bases beyond ‘thousand’, of teens and decads in Romanian, and of vigesimals in numerous Romance varieties.

2021 ◽  
pp. 026765832110158
Author(s):  
Radek Skarnitzl ◽  
Petr Čermák ◽  
Pavel Šturm ◽  
Zora Obstová ◽  
Jan Hricsina

The use of linking or glottalization contributes to the characteristic sound pattern of a language, and the use of one in place of the other may affect a speaker’s comprehensibility and fluency in certain contexts. In this study, native speakers of Czech, a language that is associated with a frequent use of glottalization in vowel-initial word onsets, are examined in the second language (L2) context of three Romance languages that predominantly employ linking between words (Spanish, Italian and Portuguese). In total, 29 native speakers and 51 non-native learners were asked to read a short text in the respective language. The learners were divided into two groups based on their experience with the target language. A number of other factors were examined in a mixed-effects logistic regression model (segmental context, lexical stress, prosodic breaks, and the semantic status of the words). The main results show that, regardless of the target language, the more experienced (ME) learners displayed significantly lower rates of glottalization than the less experienced (LE) learners, but significantly higher rates than native speakers. The pedagogical implications of the results are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. e019007
Author(s):  
Toni Pedrós

The Kampan languages have the grammatical feature called reality status, which consists of obligatory verbal affixes that express a binary opposition between realized and unrealized events. Although the validity of this grammatical category has been questioned for its lack of consistency cross-linguistically, the pan-Kampan system has been presented as an example of a canonical reality status opposition. This article examines and compares the almost identical reality status systems of all Kampan languages, and then, based on dedicated fieldwork, goes on to describe the change that Ucayali-Pajonal Ashéninka has undergone. This change consists in the loss of the reality status system in most I-class verbs, the largest by far of the two verb classes typical of Kampan languages, and makes Ucayali-Pajonal Ashéninka divergent in this aspect from the other Kampan languages. This loss shows a grammatical change taking place and therefore poses some questions about the evolution of such a grammatical feature, which are analyzed in the conclusions.


Author(s):  
Alexandru Nicolae

Chapter 6 highlights the novel theoretical and empirical facts brought about by the word order changes that occurring in the passage from old to modern Romanian, showing how the diachrony of Romanian may contribute to a better understanding of the history of the Romance languages and of the Balkan Sprachbund, as well as to syntactic theory and syntactic change in general. One important dimension of diachronic variation and change is the height of nouns and verbs along their extended projections (lower vs higher V- and N-movement). The two perspectives from which language contact proves relevant in the diachronic development of word order in Romanian, language contact by means of translation and areal language contact, are discussed. The chapter also addresses the issue of surface analogy vs deep structural properties; once again, Romanian emerges as a Romance language in a Balkan suit, as Romance deep structural properties are instantiated by means of Balkan word order patterns.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rutger J. Allan

AbstractIn Ancient Greek, topics can be expressed as intra-clausal constituents but they can also precede or follow the main clause as extra-clausal constituents. Together, these various topic expressions constitute a coherent system of complementary pragmatic functions. For a comprehensive account of topic organization, therefore, a limited focus on the clause proper is insufficient. In this paper, I will argue that it is possible to distinguish five different structural positions in which topic constituents may appear in Ancient Greek. These are: (i)Theme, (ii)clause-initial, (iii)postverbal in Setting, (iv)postverbal in main clauseand (v)Tail.Each of these positions in the sentence is associated with a specific pragmatic function: Resumed Topic, Contrastive/New Topic, Given Topic or clarification of Given Topic. In linguistic theory, topic and focus are often seen as independent aspects of information structure instead of complementary functions. It is, therefore, attractive to posit two separate sets of constructional templates: on the one hand, a topic set comprising the aforementioned topic constructions and, on the other hand, a focus set containing two (narrow and broad) focus-constructions. This results in a flexible system in which the word order of each sentence is determined by a combination of a focus construction plus one or more topic constructions.


Probus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Oana Săvescu

Abstract Romanian singular clitics are unique among their counterpars in other Romance languages in that they exhibit different forms for dative (mi, ţi) and accusative case (mă, te). In contrast, 1st and 2nd person plural clitics are case syncretic: the forms ne and vă are used both in the dative and in the accusative. Moreover, in non-finite environments, following gerunds and imperatives, non-syncretic (singular) clitics unambiguously exhibit the order dative accusative, while syncretic (plural) clitics show the reverse, accusative dative order. This paper focuses specifically on this correlation between case syncretism (or lack thereof) and the ordering possibilities of postverbal clitics, showing that the relation receives a principled syntactic explanation. The ordering of postverbal Romanian clitics, as well as the contrast between case syncretic and syncretic clusters are derived through the interaction between (i) morpho-syntactic effects due to case syncretism, (ii) remnant VP movement, and (iii) a representational view on locality, in the spirit of Rizzi (2001), Krapova and Cinque (2005).


Pragmatics ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen ◽  
Tsuyoshi Ono

This cross-linguistic study focuses on ways in which conversationalists speak beyond a point of possible turn completion in conversation, specifically on turn extensions which are grammatically dependent, backward-looking and extend the prior action. It argues that further distinctions can be made in terms of whether the extension is prosodically integrated with the prior unit, its host, (Non-add-on) or not, and in terms of whether it repairs some part of the host (Replacement) or not. Added-on, non-repairing extensions are further distinguished in terms of whether they are grammatically fitted to the end of the host (Glue-ons) or not (Insertables). A preliminary survey of TCU continuation in English, German and Japanese conversation reveals a number of significant differences with respect to frequency and range of extension type. English is at one extreme in preferring Glue-ons over Non-Add-ons and Insertables, whereas Japanese is at the other extreme in preferring Non-add-ons and Insertables over Glue-ons. German occupies an intermediary position but is on the whole more like Japanese. The preference for Glue-ons vs. Insertables appears to reflect a language’s tendency towards syntactic left- vs. right headedness. In conclusion the study argues for a classification of ‘increment’ types which goes beyond the English-based Glue-on, attributes a central role to prosodic delivery and adopts a usage-based understanding of word order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 700-721
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Carroll

Abstract It has been claimed that Ngkolmpu (Yam, Papuan) displays discontinuous noun phrases (Donohue 2011). However, careful textual analysis of a corpus of naturalistic language reveals that, in practice, this is highly restricted. The data shows two relatively rare constructions which give rise to limited discontinuous structures. The first is an afterthought construction involving a full co-referential nominal constituent adjacent to the clause. This co-referential constituent is both syntactically and phonetically distinct from the main utterance. The other involves a topic marking demonstrative encliticised to verbs at the right edge of the clause interacting with general information-structural conditions on word order. This is the only true discontinuity found in the corpus and is restricted to demonstratives only. This paper clarifies a claim in the literature about the empirical facts of a specific language, Ngkolmpu, and adds a nuanced discussion of nominal discontinuity in a language of New Guinea.


1996 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 89-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aafke Hulk ◽  
Elisabeth van der Linden

Child bilingualism has been a domain of growing interest in the last few years. A central question in research concerns the differentiation of the two languages in the developmen-tal process: do children develop two separate language systems from the very beginning or do they start with a combined system? In this discussion, aspects of word order play an essential role. Radford (1986) has compared early child utterances with so called "small clauses". In small clauses, word order would be relatively free due to the fact that children have not yet acquired the concept of case marking which puts constraints on word order. In this assumption, word order would not be expected to be differen-tiated in the first stages of the two languages of the bilingual child. Others however (Meisel, 1989, Frijn & de Haan 1994) have suggested that word order from the two-word stage on is almost invariably correct and in line with parameter settings in the adult language. At first sight, the utterances of the French-Dutch bilingual child that we study do not support one or the other of these two views unambiguously. Despite the fact that French is a head initial, SVO language and that the majority of the utterances of the child are in accordance with this parameter setting, utterances with SOV order and other Dutch-like word orders do appear in her French with a certain frequency. In our discussion we will show that, while the early (S)OV patterns can probably be explained by the absence of a fully fledged functional projection IP in the child's grammar, this cannot account for these patterns in later phases. The persistent presence of OV patterns in the French utterances - that are (although very rarely) encountered in French monolingual children as well - seems to be caused, then, by the continuing Dutch input that may very well be the factor that "pushes up" the production of [XP V] patterns in the child's French.


Author(s):  
Marcello Barbato

Several attempts have been made to classify Romance languages. The subgroups created can be posited as intermediate entities in diachrony between a mother language and daughter languages. This diachronic perspective can be structured using a rigid model, such as that of the family tree, or more flexible ones. In general, this perspective yields a bipartite division between Western Romance languages (Ibero-Romance, Gallo-Romance, Alpine-, and Cisalpine-Romance) and Eastern Romance languages (Italian and Romanian), or a tripartite split between Sardinian, Romanian, and other languages. The subgroups can, however, be considered synchronic groupings based on the analysis of the characteristics internal to the varieties. Naturally, the groupings change depending on which features are used and which theoretic model is adopted. Still, this type of approach signals the individuality of French and Romanian with respect to the Romània continua, or contrasts northern and southern Romània, highlighting, on the one hand, the shared features in Gallo-Romance and Gallo-Italian and, on the other, those common to Ibero-Romance, southern Italian, and Sardinian. The task of classifying Romance languages includes thorny issues such as distinguishing between synchrony and diachrony, language and dialect, and monothetic and polythetic classification. Moreover, ideological and political matters often complicate the theme of classification. Many problems stand as yet unresolved, and they will probably remain unresolvable.


Author(s):  
David Pharies

A lexical item is described as “playful” or “ludic” when it shows evidence of manipulation of the relation that inheres between its form (signifier) and its meaning (signified). The playful lexicon of any given language, therefore, is the sum total of its lexical items that show signs of such manipulation. Linguists have long recognized that the only necessary link between a word’s form and its meaning is the arbitrary social convention that binds them. However, nothing prevents speakers from creating additional, unnecessary and therefore essentially “playful” links, associating forms with meanings in a symbolic, hence non-arbitrary way. This semantic effect is most evident in the case of onomatopoeia, through which the phonetic form of words that designate sounds is designed to be conventionally imitative of the sound. A second group of playful words combines repeated sequences of sounds with meanings that are themselves suggestive of repetition or related concepts such as collectivity, continuity, or actions in sequence, as well as repeated, back-and-forth, or uncontrolled movements, or even, more abstractly, intensity and hesitation. The playfulness of truncated forms such as clips and blends is based on a still more abstract connection between forms and meanings. In the case of clipping, the truncation of the full form of a word triggers a corresponding connotative truncation or diminution of the meaning, that is, a suggestion that the referent is small—either endearingly, humorously, or contemptuously so. In blending, truncation is often accompanied by overlapping, which symbolically highlights the interrelatedness or juxtaposition of the constituents’ individual meanings. Prosodic templates do not constitute a separate category per se; instead, they may play a part in the formation or alteration of words in any of the other categories discussed here.


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