Refugees And Patronage: A Political History Of Uganda’s ‘Progressive’ Refugee Policies

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (479) ◽  
pp. 243-276
Author(s):  
Alexander Betts

Abstract Uganda’s self-reliance policy for refugees has been recognized as among the most progressive refugee policies in the world. In contrast to many refugee-hosting countries, it allows refugees the right to work and freedom of movement. It has been widely praised as a model for other countries to emulate. However, there has been little research on the politics that underlie Uganda’s approach. Why has Uganda maintained these policies despite hosting more refugees than any country in Africa? Based on archival research and elite interviews, this article provides a political history of Uganda’s self-reliance policies from independence to the present. It unveils significant continuity in both the policies and the underlying politics. Refugee policy has been used by Ugandan leaders to strengthen patronage and assert political authority within strategically important refugee-hosting hinterlands. International donors have abetted domestic illiberalism in order to sustain a liberal internationalist success story. The politics of patronage and refugee policy have worked hand-in-hand. Patronage has, in the Ugandan case, been integral to the functioning of the international refugee system. Rather than being an inevitably ‘African’ phenomenon or the unavoidable legacy of colonialism, patronage politics has been enabled by, and essential to, liberal internationalism.

Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines


Urban Studies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (10) ◽  
pp. 2064-2079
Author(s):  
Ben Gerlofs

This article investigates the conceptual and political history of the right to the city in Mexico City from the late 1980s to the present, focusing especially on the Mexico City Charter for the Right to the City completed and endorsed by leading political figures in 2010. By grounding this investigation in the dialectical methods of Henri Lefebvre, the article builds on roughly 12 months of ethnographic and archival fieldwork in Mexico City to argue that all such instantiations of the right to the city are bound to commit a certain violence against the idea. What the Mexico City case also suggests, however, is that such a dialectical concept is also always radically open to revivification and reimagining, as exemplified by the return of the right to the city in Mexico City’s 2017 constitution. Analysing the right to the city and its attendant politics and history from this vantage allows two crucial and underappreciated insights to emerge from this case: that the right to the city can be and sometimes is pursued under alternative auspices, and that any apparent stasis, even political death, is best considered temporary and mutable.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Pether

This study assesses the current Canadian refugee determination process and Canadian refugee policy by comparing it with the narrative experience of Haitian refugee claimants in Toronto, Canada. The analysis was guided by a critical anti-racist framework and forced migration theory. Qualitative research was conducted by interviewing five Haitian refugee claimants and a Haitian community leader, all living in Toronto. The research found that Haitian refugee claimants face a multitude of barriers when navigating through the refugee determination process. A socio-political history of Haiti is provided to contextualize the motivations and factors which have induced Haitian migration. This study is the first of its kind with regard to research focused specifically on the experience of Haitian refugee claimants in Canada and in particular Toronto. It contributes to the very limited existing research on Haitian refugees in Canada.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (135) ◽  
pp. 14-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Ida Buff

Abstract This essay considers the historical roots of contemporary sanctuary practices. It traces these roots in the protocols adopted by the 1951 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Convention, tracing the contradictory implementation of these protocols in US policy and practice. It argues that the UNHCR Convention created a distinction between refugees and migrants that met challenges from sanctuary activists responding to the depredations of the US-backed “dirty wars” in Central America during the 1980s. The sanctuary movement contested this distinction, as did the subsequent evolution of immigration and refugee policy. In the current period, the erosion of this distinction by ascendant xenophobia also creates space for the emergence of new definitions and practices of the right to sanctuary and freedom of movement.


Refuge ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 46-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Bernstein ◽  
Moses Chrispus Okello

In Uganda, refugee policy and programming is focused almost exclusively on providing protection and assistance to refugees residing in rural settlements. While international law allows refugees the right to freedom of movement and choice of residence, Ugandan legislation restricts refugees’ residency to rural settlements, subjecting those who wish to live outside of settlements and in urban centres to severe restrictions. This study sheds light on the reasons refugees choose to reside in Kampala as opposed to rural settlements and the challenges they endure while attempting to sustain and support themselves. Research findings indicate that at all stages of exile, refugees in Uganda are put under pressure, either implicitly or explicitly, to relocate to settlements. The lack of progressive thinking and hence over-reliance on settlements as the mainstay of refugee protection and assistance has hampered reforms of refugee policy and hindered the broader involvement of municipal authorities in responding to protection and assistance needs of refugees in urban areas. Research findings suggest that many refugees have talents, skills, and abilities which would enable self-sufficiency in Kampala and other urban areas. However, these capabilities are currently undermined by a refugee regime which only promotes self-reliance in rural settlements. In an effort to enhance refugees’ overall human security and to support their own efforts to become independent and self-reliant, this paper asserts that refugee policy in Uganda should be reformed to support refugees’ decisions to choose their own places of residence, instead of restricting them to rural settlements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani

How can clientelistic politics be transformed into programmatic politics in a subnational state with a well-recorded history of patronage politics? We explore institutional pathways away from clientelism by systematically explicating clientelistic propensities with programmatic citizen-oriented ones in undivided Andhra Pradesh. This paper engages with a paradigm shift in policy from clientelistic to programmatic service delivery in rural development by exploring three major rural welfare programmes in undivided Andhra Pradesh: need-based redistribution, evolution of self-help groups and implementation of the right to work in India through the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme. We argue that the capacity of the state to deliver owes a great deal to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after evolving in a path-dependent way.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Pether

This study assesses the current Canadian refugee determination process and Canadian refugee policy by comparing it with the narrative experience of Haitian refugee claimants in Toronto, Canada. The analysis was guided by a critical anti-racist framework and forced migration theory. Qualitative research was conducted by interviewing five Haitian refugee claimants and a Haitian community leader, all living in Toronto. The research found that Haitian refugee claimants face a multitude of barriers when navigating through the refugee determination process. A socio-political history of Haiti is provided to contextualize the motivations and factors which have induced Haitian migration. This study is the first of its kind with regard to research focused specifically on the experience of Haitian refugee claimants in Canada and in particular Toronto. It contributes to the very limited existing research on Haitian refugees in Canada.


Author(s):  
Melinda L. Estes ◽  
Samuel M. Chou

Many muscle diseases show common pathological features although their etiology is different. In primary muscle diseases a characteristic finding is myofiber necrosis. The mechanism of myonecrosis is unknown. Polymyositis is a primary muscle disease characterized by acute and subacute degeneration as well as regeneration of muscle fibers coupled with an inflammatory infiltrate. We present a case of polymyositis with unusual ultrastructural features indicative of the basic pathogenetic process involved in myonecrosis.The patient is a 63-year-old white female with a one history of proximal limb weakness, weight loss and fatigue. Examination revealed mild proximal weakness and diminished deep tendon reflexes. Her creatine kinase was 1800 mU/ml (normal < 140 mU/ml) and electromyography was consistent with an inflammatory myopathy which was verified by light microscopy on biopsy muscle. Ultrastructural study of necrotizing myofiber, from the right vastus lateralis, showed: (1) degradation of the Z-lines with preservation of the adjacent Abands including M-lines and H-bands, (Fig. 1), (2) fracture of the sarcomeres at the I-bands with disappearance of the Z-lines, (Fig. 2), (3) fragmented sarcomeres without I-bands, engulfed by invading phagocytes, (Fig. 3, a & b ), and (4) mononuclear inflammatory cell infiltrate in the endomysium.


VASA ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gruber-Szydlo ◽  
Poreba ◽  
Belowska-Bien ◽  
Derkacz ◽  
Badowski ◽  
...  

Popliteal artery thrombosis may present as a complication of an osteochondroma located in the vicinity of the knee joint. This is a case report of a 26-year-old man with symptoms of the right lower extremity ischaemia without a previous history of vascular disease or trauma. Plain radiography, magnetic resonance angiography and Doppler ultrasonography documented the presence of an osteochondrous structure of the proximal tibial metaphysis, which displaced and compressed the popliteal artery, causing its occlusion due to intraluminal thrombosis..The patient was operated and histopathological examination confirmed the diagnosis of osteochondroma.


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