scholarly journals Governing India: Evolution of Programmatic Welfare in Andhra Pradesh

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani

How can clientelistic politics be transformed into programmatic politics in a subnational state with a well-recorded history of patronage politics? We explore institutional pathways away from clientelism by systematically explicating clientelistic propensities with programmatic citizen-oriented ones in undivided Andhra Pradesh. This paper engages with a paradigm shift in policy from clientelistic to programmatic service delivery in rural development by exploring three major rural welfare programmes in undivided Andhra Pradesh: need-based redistribution, evolution of self-help groups and implementation of the right to work in India through the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme. We argue that the capacity of the state to deliver owes a great deal to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after evolving in a path-dependent way.

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani ◽  
K. Raju

This article argues that the Indian state can develop the capacity to deliver economic rights in a citizen-friendly way, despite serious challenges posed by patronage politics and clientelism. Clientelistic politics reveals why the Indian state fails to deliver the basic rights such as the right to work, health and education. We argue that the ability of the state to deliver owes a lot to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas in a path-dependent way. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after they have gained a fair amount of traction within the state. We test the powering and puzzling leading to a tipping point model on the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in undivided Andhra Pradesh (AP). How and why did undivided AP develop the capacity to make reach employment to the rural poor, when many other states failed to implement the right to work in India?


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teki Surayya

A Forest Living Community (FLCs) family in the study area, on an average, required Indian National Rupee (INR) 37533 (US $ 75 approximately) for their survival. Out of this 36.4% amount is sourced from agriculture activities, 20% from NWFPs sale, 23.6%, agriculture labour activities, and about 20% amount is coming from Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) works activities. When FLCs require microfinance for NWFPs value additions and other needs, they can access it from Self-Help Groups (SHGs), moneylender, relatives and friends, banks and governments. FLCs required microfinance for subsistence, health, education, marriage, and pilgrimage purposes. Microfinance plays a key role in Non-Wood Forest Products (NWFPs) value addition, adopting Eco-Friendly Technology (EFTs), and cost - benefits of such NWFPs value addition to FLCs. The amount of income coming from NWFPs harvest and sale can be increased by way promoting NWFPs value additions using Eco-friendly Technology (EFT).


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot

In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among the poorest—and upper caste poor vote more for BJP than their co-ethnic rich anyway.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097226612110055
Author(s):  
Sanjiv Kumar ◽  
S. Madheswaran ◽  
B. P. Vani

Forerunning programmes of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which were designed as poverty elimination programmes, took notice of geographical pockets of poverty and incorporated formula-based fund allocation mechanisms to poorer states and regions. The MGNREGA programme, in contrast, used a right-based ‘self-selection’ approach— relying on the initiative of households’ demand-driven strengths—to allocate need-based resources to states and regions within states. This article examines how well the demand-driven, right-based programme with self-selection allocated resources to states and regions according to their respective needs, and to what extent the benefits reached the poverty pockets and catered to the poorest, weakest and neediest households. We find that adequate resources did not reach the poorest states and regions, substantial numbers of poor households remained outside the programme or were deemed underserved, and there was a pronounced programme capture by elite states. The article explores causes and consequences of capacity limitations and low absorption pulls among states, and points to policy implications and ways forward.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didem Özkiziltan ◽  
Aziz Çelik

AbstractThe 1961 constitutional reform in Turkey recognized the right to strike and granted other rights and freedoms related to the collective actions of labor. Conventional wisdom holds that Turkish trade unions became independent of the state power with class-based interests only after this reform. Across mainstream literature, this is considered, in historical institutionalist terms, as the first critical juncture in Turkey's industrial relations. This paper provides a critical account of the institutional continuity, development, and change that took place in Turkey's industrial relations starting from its establishment as a republic in 1923 until the end of the 1950s, by considering the socioeconomic and legal-political environment during these years. Considering the historical evidence employed, and under historical institutionalism, it is argued that the first critical juncture in the country's industrial relations occurred in 1947, when the ruling cliques permitted the establishment of trade unions. In this paper, it is purported that the consensus reached by the trade unions on the necessity of the right to strike from the mid-1950s onwards initiated a peaceful class struggle between Turkish labor and the state, which gradually steered the industrial relations toward the second critical juncture following the promulgation of the 1961 constitution.


Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter examines the politics of implementing the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) in the state of Rajasthan, where an important part of the movement which brought NREGA into being was born. The chapter analyses the results of a survey of NREGA workers in two of the state's districts, as well as findings from more extensive qualitative field research into the political dynamics that have shaped the program's character in various parts of Rajasthan. To place the findings in context, the chapter provides an overview of the state's political history, economic profile, developmental performance, and salient social cleavages. The analysis pays particular attention to efforts by social movement organizations to improve program performance, including through public protests, social audits of works projects, experiments with delivery mechanisms, and engagement with political parties, and senior elected officials and civil servants in the state government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Khundrakpam Romenkumar Singh

Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) is demand driven , self targeting employment generating poverty alleviation scheme which was launched by the UPA government in 2005 with full of hope to eradicate the problems of poverty and unemployment in the rural areas of India by targeting to provide at least 100 days of employment at each rural households. It is the only employment-generating programme, that a beneficiary can claim legally. The scheme was introduced in Manipur in the year 2008 with lot of hope to minimise the problem of poverty and unemployment in the state but after the eight years of implementation, the programme failed to deliver the expectations the people had on it. In this paper, an assessment of the performance of MGNREGS in Manipur of the year 2015-16 has been made.


2019 ◽  
pp. 138-146
Author(s):  
P. Zakharchenko

The approaches to the category "History of Ukrainian Law" are analyzed, its author definition and periodization in the historical dimension is proposed. Doctrinal approach of the Department of History of Law and State of the law Faculty of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv is defined, which consists in recognition of the right of law before the State Institute. In our opinion, with the advent of the state, history of law appears as a history of national legislation in its relationship and interdependence with the state's regulatory activities – its administrative and judicial institutions, organization and activities of the army, police, and punitive agencies etc. The author indicates that the story is indicative that society can develop steadily in the coordinate of the environment, and the function of the instrument of the Zaman environment executes the right. The porpose of article is reserchirg the history of Ukrainian law: conceptual, istoriografìcal and comparative components of its identification It is alleged that for the first time the definition of "history of Ukrainian Law" is not implemented in Ukraine but beyond its borders. The galaxy of lawyers, and among them and historians of law, after the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917 – 1921, were forced to leave the motherland and settle in the neighboring countries of Eastern Europe. A textbook of such name appeared in the conditions of Ukrainian emigration in the early 1920-ies. This primacy belongs to several researchers of the Ukrainian diaspora, who, with no historical, historical, legal sources and archival materials, have remained in the absolute majority in the libraries and archival funds of Soviet Ukraine. However, in these conditions they were able to lay the foundations for the formation of the appropriate field of scientific knowledge. It is noted that the successor of the traditions preserved in the diaspora can be called the Department of the History of law and State of the law Faculty of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv University, whose members for many years advocate not only the name of the educational The subject "History of Ukrainian Law", but also prove its genetic connection with the right of the Rus state, other national state formations of the later period. A few manuals on the history of Ukrainian law came from the pen of the lecturers. Special emphasis was made on the works of Alexander Shevchenko, who became the author of several textbooks and manuals that are still widely used in the educational process of law faculties in Ukraine. In one of them, O. Shevchenko actualized The problem of periodization of Ukrainian law, where the main criterion was determined by the evolution of the sources of law. In these positions is the author of the proposed publication. In the final part of the work emphasized the examples in the differences in the evolution, essence and content of the Ukrainian law from the Russian.


Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document