7. Procedure: complaints and third-party rights

Author(s):  
Sandra Marco Colino

This chapter focuses on the rights of those wishing to take action against an infringement of competition law, potentially with a view to being compensated for the harm they may have suffered. One option is going to the relevant competition authority and filing a complaint to trigger the public enforcement route, saving the cost of litigation. The other option is to seek competition law enforcement in private claims before the courts. Claimants may seek damages or other remedies, including injunctions. In the UK, damages may be sought before the Competition Appeals Tribunal (CAT) and before the national courts. Collective claims can only be brought before the CAT. The number of private actions is increasing, and efforts have been made both by the EU and UK legislators to encourage more private litigation.

Author(s):  
Rodger Barry

This chapter focuses on the transposition of the Antitrust Damages Directive in the United Kingdom. It first provides a general background on the transposition process, with emphasis on developments in relation to private litigation involving both UK and EU competition law in the UK courts. It then considers the substantive and temporal scope of the UK transposition measure before analysing some of the specific issues concerning implementation of the Directive, such as those relating to limitation periods, binding force of competition authority decisions, disclosure and protection of certain documents/admissability of evidence, presumption of harm and quantification of damages, passing-on defence and indirect purchasers, joint and several liability, parent company liability, consensual dispute resolution, collective redress, litigation costs and funding, and specialised court structure.


Author(s):  
Geradin Damien ◽  
Layne-Farrar Anne ◽  
Petit Nicolas

This chapter discusses the enforcement of EU competition law. EU competition law is primarily enforced through a system of ‘public enforcement’, where specialized administrative institutions initiate, decide, and terminate cases. Articles 101 and 102 TFEU are enforced by competition authorities at both the European—by the Commission—and national levels—by national competition authorities (NCAs). Since the adoption of Regulation 1/2003, the Commission and the NCAs form a ‘network’ of competition authorities called the European Competition Network (ECN). A set of specific legal mechanisms have been adopted to ensure a harmonious and effective enforcement of EU competition rules amongst the ECN. In addition, national courts also offer a remedial avenue for plaintiffs seeking to invoke EU competition rules. The chapter then looks at how the Commission and NCAs process competition cases. In general, a competition case goes through four stages: detection, investigation, evaluation, and decision.


Author(s):  
Veljanovski Cento

This chapter assesses damages actions for competition infringement. The Damages Directive sets out a common legal basis across the EU for the right of those harmed by a competition infringement to sue and quantification of damages. It has been transposed into the UK and incorporated as Schedule 8A of the Competition Act 1989. The Damages Directive gives the national courts the power to estimate the overcharge; requires the European Commission to issue guidelines on the quantification of overcharges and on ‘pass-on to’; and advises that the national courts can request assistance from a willing national competition authority where appropriate to determine quantum. In English law, the position is that damages are compensatory and aim to place the victim in the position they would have been had they not been injured so far as monetary compensation can. There are several heads or types of damages that have so far been claimed: overcharge damages; lost volume or lost profit damages; run-on damages; umbrella damages; cost-based damages; future losses, lost chance, and lost opportunity damages; and aggregate damages in collective actions.


Author(s):  
Armağan Gözkaman

The European Community/Union has always been a controversial issue in the UK. At present, the probability of an in-or-out referendum makes it all the more divisive. Eurosceptics see a brighter future for their country outside the union both in political and economic terms. Pro-Europeans, on the other hand, maintain that British membership brings up benefits that outweigh the costs. Both sides have their arguments. The former seek success through social mobilizations and debates. The latter believe that the anti-EU stance may be costly in economic and political terms. Hence, the public must be convinced before the referendum – if it ever takes place.


Author(s):  
Alison Jones ◽  
Brenda Sufrin ◽  
Niamh Dunne

This chapter sketches the history and functions of the EU and its institutions in order to set the EU competition rules in context. It then describes the competition provisions themselves and outlines the way in which the rules are applied and enforced, including the public enforcement of Articles 101 and 102 under Regulation 1/2003, the control of mergers with a European dimension under Regulation 139/2004, public enforcement by the national competition authorities of the Member States, and the role of private enforcement. It discusses the position and powers of the European Commission, particularly the role of the Competition Directorate General (DG Comp); the powers of the EU Courts; the significance of fundamental rights and the general principles of EU law in competition cases; the application of competition rules to particular sectors of the economy; and the application of the EU rules to the EEA.


Author(s):  
Penelope Alexia Giosa

Abstract The article focuses on the leniency programme, the key mechanism to strengthen the public enforcement of competition law, and its compatibility with the debarment mechanism and self-cleaning measures, which are both procurement remedies. As the article will show, procurement remedies interfere with cartel enforcement and the debarment mechanism undermines leniency in public procurement. The fact that firms may be banned from bidding, where there are plausible indications for their participation in agreements aiming at distorting competition, discourages infringing companies from coming forward and self-reporting. Even the self-cleaning measures under the current procurement Directive 2014/24/EU, which aim to help debarred firms to avoid exclusion or minimize its risk, undermine leniency in public procurement. This is particularly true after the recent judgment of the European Court of Justice in c-124/17 Vossloh Laeis GmbH v Stadtwerke München GmbH case. In this case, it was held that a contracting authority must be able to ask a leniency applicant to provide the decision of the competition authority concerning it. This must apply even if there is a pending private action for damages for breach of competition law by the contracting authority against that leniency applicant. In view of the above conflicting policy objectives, a number of proposals are discussed in order to better align leniency programmes with the mechanism of debarment and self-cleaning policy in public procurement. In this way, the article contributes to the optimal design of enforcement policies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-36
Author(s):  
John M. Parrish ◽  

One of the most important concepts in the field of political ethics is the idea of a moral dilemma – understood as a situation in which an agent’s public responsibilities and moral imperatives conflict in such a way that no matter what the agent does she will in some way be committing a moral wrong. In the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, the notion of a moral dilemma has undergone a profound reconceptualization in American political discourse, and there has perhaps been no more important cultural forum for that conceptual revision than the quintessential post-9/11 melodrama, FOX Television’s 24. This paper first describes and then critically evaluates America’s new model moral dilemma as portrayed on 24. Focusing specifically on 24’s Season Five (the year the show won the Emmy for Best Dramatic Series), the paper shows how 24’s creators have substituted in the public mind almost a parody of the standard philosophical account of a moral dilemma in place of the traditional notion. Their methods for this conceptual revision have included both an extravagant, even baroque portrayal of the grand dilemmas which confront Jack Bauer and his fellow patriots, on the one hand, and on the other, a subtle de-valuing of the moral stakes in the more pedestrian variety of moral conflicts Bauer and company must overcome in their quest to keep America safe whatever the cost.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Michael

This exploratory article considers the accumulations of fat and other materials in London’s sewerage system – known as fatbergs in the UK – in terms of the processes of infrastructuring. In particular, drawing on a range of media, including a major museum exhibition, numerous newspaper and online articles, and a TV documentary, this article analyses how London’s fatbergs have been affectively enacted. The affects identified include: disgust in the composition of the fatberg, pride in the London-ness of the fatbergs, admiration at the ‘flushers’ courage, generic horror at the sewers, shame in the flushing of wet wipes, and anxiety about microbial threats. Such enactments simultaneously perform the fatbergs, the sewerage infrastructure, and the public audiences, through what we can call ‘affective infrastructuring’. This extends the analysis of infrastructuring to encompass the ways in which public audiences are affectively ‘made’. The article also suggests that the various affective enactments of the fatberg cumulatively perform London as spatially uniform and the sewerage system as temporally naturalized. A critical implication of this is an effacement of, on the one hand, class and cultural difference and, on the other, historical specificity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
Claudia Massa

Directive 2014/104/EU contains detailed provisions related to the disclosure of evidence in actions for damages before national courts that seek to strike a balance between a claimant’s right to access evidence in support of its private damages claim and the protection of leniency programmes, which are some of the main tools of public antitrust enforcement. Articles 5 to 8 of the Directive create a “microsystem” of the law of the evidences, which is highly specialised and based on the central role of the judge and on the principle that private enforcement must not compromise public enforcement. The Directive tackles the information asymmetry that characterises competition law litigation by acknowledging the right for a claimant “to obtain the disclosure of evidence relevant to their claim, without it being necessary for them to specify individual items of evidence”. However, the obtainment of the disclosure of evidence is circumscribed by a number of conditions and exceptions. The Directive creates three lists of documents that are characterised by a different level of protection: the black list, the grey list and the white list. After giving an overview of all these provisions, the article will focus on the disclosure of leniency statements and settlement submissions, by analysing the case law of the ECJ before and after the entry into force of the Directive. It will be found out that while the Court has always been cautious, by affirming that it is necessary to weigh up, on a case-by-case basis, the respective interests in favour of disclosure of such documents and those in favour of their protection, the European Legislator preferred to unconditionally protect the efficiency of leniency and settlement programmes to the detriment of parties that suffered a harm, which have to find any possible way to support their damage claim in a context in which the information asymmetry and the difficulty of the factual and economic analysis are evident. It seems that, with Article 6(6), the European Legislator did not succeed in its goal of making it easier for victims of antitrust violations to claim compensation from the offender, which is the general aim of the Directive. In fact, not having the possibility to have access to leniency statements or settlement submissions in stand-alone actions, it is highly difficult to prove that they suffered harm. Therefore, victims can only wait until the competition authority adopts a final infringement decision in order to start a probably successful follow-on action. Overall, all provisions on disclosure of documents contained in the Directive contribute to make a big step forward in the private enforcement sector, except for the provisions of Article 6(6), which could have probably been less rigid. In fact, while the rule on the right to obtain the disclosure of evidence, together with the provisions on disclosure of documents contained in the grey list and in the white list, strike a fair balance between public and private enforcement and facilitate victims of antitrust violations in bringing actions for damages, the same thing cannot be affirmed for provisions on disclosure of documents contained in the black list.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yossi Maaravi ◽  
Ben Heller

Background: The novel COVID-19 has brought upon crucial policy- and decision-making situations, especially when making judgments between economic and healthconcerns. One particularly relevant decision-making phenomenon is the prominenceeffect, where decision-makers base their decisions on the most prominent attribute ofthe object at hand (e.g., health concerns) rather than weigh all the attributes together.This bias diminishes when the decision-making mode inhibits heuristic processes. Inthis study, we tested the prominence of health vs. economic concerns across twodecision-making modes - choice (prone to heuristics) and matching (mitigatesheuristics) - during the peak of the COVID-19 in the UK using Tversky et al.’s classicexperimental paradigm. We added to the classic experimental design a primingcondition. Methods and Findings: Four hundred twenty participants from the UK wererecruited via a crowd-working platform. They were presented with two casualty-minimization programs, differing in lives saved and costs: program X would save 100lives at the cost of 55-million-pound sterling, whereas program Y would save 30 lives atthe cost of 12-million-pound sterling. Half of the participants were required to choosebetween the programs (choice condition). The other half were not given the cost ofprogram X and were asked to determine what the cost should be to make it as equallyattractive as the program Y. Participants in both groups were primed for either: a)economic concerns; b) health concerns; or c) control (no priming). Results showed thatin the choice condition, unless primed for economic concerns, health concerns aremore prominent (only under economic priming was there a significant preference forprogram Y, p<0.001). In the matching condition, on the other hand, the prominence ofhealth concerns did not affect decision-makers, as they all “preferred” the cheaperoption. Conclusions: These results add further support to the practical relevance ofusing the proper decision-making modes in times of consequential crises wheremultiple concerns, interests, and parties are involve


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