3. Out of the blue: the establishment and diffusion of the modern police from the French Revolution to the twentieth century

Author(s):  
Benjamin Bowling ◽  
Robert Reiner ◽  
James Sheptycki

The chapter outlines the development of modern police institutions around the world from the eighteenth century until the early twentieth. The discussion unfolds under five headings. The first is policing in Europe prior to the French Revolution and in the wake of the Napoleonic Empire. Next the evolution of the police under the common law in England up to the early nineteenth century is discussed. The third heading concerns the independent evolution of policing in the USA from independence to the First World War. European colonial and imperial police are the fourth consideration. Lastly, efforts to build modern police institutions in Iran, Japan, China, and Russia are considered. The chapter discusses a number of recognizable models for thinking about the politics of the police. It also considers contemporary concerns about the relationship between democratic and totalitarian policing, high and low policing, between police force and service.

Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

The nineteenth century saw the emergence of both nationalism and archaeology as a professional discipline. The aim of this chapter is to show how this apparent coincidence was not accidental. This discussion will take us into uncharted territory. Despite the growing literature on archaeology and nationalism (Atkinson et al. 1996; Díaz-Andreu & Champion 1996a; Kohl & Fawcett 1995; Meskell 1998), the relationship between the two during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries has yet to be explored. The analysis of how the past was appropriated during this era of the revolutions, which marked the dawn of nationalism, is not helped by the specialized literature available on nationalism, as little attention has been paid to these early years. Most authors dealing with nationalism focus their research on the mid to late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when the ideas that emerged during the era of the revolutions bore fruit and the balance between civic and ethnic nationalism (i.e. between a nationalism based on individual rights and the sovereignty of the people within the nation and another built on the common history and culture of the members of the nation) definitively shifted towards the latter. The reluctance to scrutinize the first years of nationalism by experts in the field may be a result of unease in dealing with a phenomenon which some simply label as patriotism. The term nationalism was not often used at the time. The political scientist Tom Nairn (1975: 6) traced it back to the late 1790s in France (it was employed by Abbé Baruel in 1798). However, its use seems to have been far from common, to the extent that other scholars believed it appeared in 1812. In other European countries, such as England, ‘nationalism’ was first employed in 1836 (Huizinga 1972: 14). Despite this disregard for the term itself until several decades later, specialists in the Weld of nationalism consider the most common date of origin as the end of the eighteenth century with the French Revolution as the key event in its definition.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-747
Author(s):  
Edward James Kolla

National self-determination was one of the most important and controversial concepts in twentieth century international relations and law. The principle has had a remarkable history, from Woodrow Wilson's assertion that the peoples of Eastern Europe ought to form their own national states in place of ruined multiethnic and multilinguistic empires after the First World War; to decolonization after the Second World War, when populations worldwide invoked a right to throw off the yoke of imperialism; to the breakup of and war in the former Yugoslavia at century's end in precisely the same area in which a nation's self-determination was first intended to be a panacea for the region's diverse peoples. And yet, national self-determination, if not always called that, has a much longer lineage. Some note its earliest appearance in 1581, when the Dutch claimed independence from Hapsburg Spain. However, it was not until the French Revolution when, as Alfred Cobban remarks, “the nation state ceased to be a simple historical fact and became the subject of a theory,” that a people's right to determine its destiny in international as in domestic affairs was first articulated and applied. The clearest instance of this articulation and application during the Revolution was the union of Avignon and France.


The studies included in this volume analyze the legal and social history of Europe and North America by the end of the eighteenth century to the contemporary age. The study investigates the relationship between culture and legal status (science, law and government), the administration of justice and the transformation of the legal professions. That lights up the separation, in the whole complex of Western legal tradition, that identifies the countries of the common law.


1964 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman Ravitch

If after many years of scholarship and controversy, the French Revolution is to be seen, with Georges Lefebvre, as preeminently the revolution of equality, and its most important achievement the substitution of a bourgeois and individualistic social order for the former aristocratic and corporatist one, the nature of eighteenth-century corporate or “constituted bodies” becomes a major area for research. There are many questions which the historian would like to ask about these aristocratic institutions, but generally these questions fall into two groups: the relationship of these bodies to society as a whole, and their inner cohesiveness. By examining the taxation of the clergy in eighteenth-century France, we investigate the chief temporal characteristic of the ecclesiastical estate and are in a position to evaluate both its relationship to French society as a whole and its internal strengths and weaknesses.


Author(s):  
Erika Fischer-Lichte

The Prologue proceeds from the common understanding that Philhellenism was constitutive of the cultural identity of the German Bildungsbürgertum since the end of the 18th century until the 1970s or even the 1980s – i.e. between the times of the French Revolution (1789) and the reunification of the two German states in 1989. This common understanding usually is connected to German poets and writers from Winckelmann to Stefan George (Eliza Butler) or explained with regard to the development of Altertumswissenschaften (Martin Bernal and Suzanne Marchand), albeit with different emphases. The link between Philhellenism and theatromania, epitomized in performances of Greek tragedies since 1800 has so far remained absent from this discussion. Therefore, in this study, the focus will shift to the relationship between performances of Greek tragedies and the cultural identity of the German Bildungsbürgertum. It thus attempts to understand tragedy’s endurance on German stages during the last 200 years.


1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-199
Author(s):  
Daniel Moran

From the appearance of On War in 1832 until the end of the First World War, Carl von Clausewitz was known chiefly as the most profound, but also the most enigmatic member of a generation of strategists whose common object had been to discover and explain the secrets of Napoleonic warfare. This interpretation, although not entirely wrong, has lately come to seem one-sided, initially as the result of the work of Hans Rothfels in the 1920s, and most decidedly so in light of the more recent, comprehensive analysis of Clausewitz's life and ideas by Peter Paret. Today, most students of the man and his work would agree that the French Revolution itself, and not simply its Napoleonic aftermath, was the decisive influence on the development of Clausewitz's ideas about war.


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Makar ◽  
Yuriy Makar ◽  
Vitaly Semenko ◽  
Andriy Stetsyuk

We begin publishing the most important documents characterizing the state and progress of the Ukrainian case in the view of the numerous scientific discussions and, in some cases, the frank ideological manipulations that dominated in Soviet period and pursued the purpose of discrediting the Ukrainian national movement and Ukrainian statehood in general. We begin with the first book of the 4-volume edition of  document, published by the efforts of one of the founders of the Vyacheslav Lypynskyʼs Institute in the USA, professor of the University of Vienna Teofil Gornykevich. We have selected 12 documents that chronologically cover the period from August 15, 1914 to March 25, 1918, and reproduce the vision of the Ukrainian problem by the ruling circles of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany, as well as the efforts of Ukrainian public-political figures aimed at the election of Ukraine's independence. In particular, the visions of the Ukrainian spiritual, secular and military circles of the problems that confronted them during the First World War are revealed; reports on the economic and political situation in Ukraine; the relationship between the Ukrainian national and various social forces with the Bolsheviks; plans of Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany about Ukraine. Whereas we have selected documents from different parts of the book, we stored their serial numbers. Page numbers are shown in square brackets after the text. The language, style of the headings and captions, cursive and text selection are all preserved. Also, for convenience of possible use by interested persons, we submit to them a list of abbreviations in the original. Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire, Galicia, Germany, Ukraine, Ukrainian state, The Ukrainian People's Republic, Ukrainian national movement, Ukrainians.


2016 ◽  
Vol 71 (02) ◽  
pp. 217-245
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans

This article uses the case of Catherine Théot and her prophetic activity in late eighteenth-century Paris to reflect on the relationship between event and prophecy in the era of the French Revolution. Despite appearing fixed and immobile, Théot's prophecies were constantly changing and evolving, giving rise to hybrid discourses influenced by various currents including both Jansenism and revolutionary discourses. The Théot affair thus provides an occasion to reflect on contemporary supernatural interpretations of the French Revolution. In this context, her prophecies can be read as a response to the emotional needs triggered by political instability, the fear of war and political violence, and religious changes. In conclusion, the article points to a religious discourse that existed on the margins of the dialectic between revolution and counterrevolution, but was nevertheless closely linked to it though the effects of the Revolutionary Wars and the Terror.


Author(s):  
AVNER BEN-AMOS

The Panthéon and Arc de Triomphe are two neoclassical Parisian monuments that were created in the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century, respectively, and which have ever since been main sites of French official memory. However, they never had the same share of the stage: when one was prominent, the other was marginal, and vice versa. This chapter delineates the parallel histories of these monuments and analyses the relationship between them, from the French Revolution to the Fifth Republic. Although they are usually ascribed to different political camps – the Pantheon to the left and the Arc de Triomphe to the right – a close reading of the context of various commemorative acts that were performed inside and around these monuments shows that their identity was more complex.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 368-418
Author(s):  
Thomas Fleiner

Over the last decade, missions of the UN have assisted with constitutional reforms including issues of federalism. The hopes for peace with regard to federal structures have often failed. This paper elaborates possible reasons why these hopes were disappointed. It will show that one should understand the differences between Common Law and continental systems with regard to federalism. Some experts from Common Law countries fail to appreciate the substantial difference between federal Constitutions embedded in a Civil Law culture and those embedded in a Common Law culture. The reasons for the success or failure of past, present and future federal reforms may help to improve UN activities in this field. States of the Common Law tradition are not collective units, which have to steer their society. The Jacobins of the French Revolution, considered the State as their instrument to transform feudal society into a society of equal individuals. The Civil Law tradition has its roots in the French Revolution and in the sovereignty of the national legislative assembly as the only legitimate lawmaker of the State. The unity of the law does not depend on decisions of courts but only on the legislature. Constitutions of Civil Law federations need to enable the specified governmental branches of the federation to impose sanctions against federal units that fail to comply with federal laws. According to the perspective of the Civil Law one has to deal with two ‘States’ claiming sovereignty in a hierarchy, while from the perspective of the Common Law one has to deal with mere ‘governments.’ Constitutions of multicultural federations embedded within the Civil Law culture will have to empower not just the federation but also the federal units to develop the different cultural identities. To foster different cultures is however, not a major function of the State of the Common Law tradition. Federalism of the Civil Law tradition is more complex than according to the Common Law tradition. Important differences between federations of a Common Law and Civil Law tradition lies in the lawmaking power of the courts. In Common Law, courts and legislature share the task of lawmaking; in Civil Law countries, the legislature regulates all issues of civil and criminal law. In a Civil Law country, legislatures, executives and courts cannot function if there is no valid local Constitution empowering those branches of the federal units. Thus, the federal Constitution of a civil law country has to establish the powers of the governmental branches of the federal units. Within federal system of the Civil Law, the federal units administer, implement and execute the laws of the federation. Constitutions of Civil Law federations need special provisions for the power of the federation to control and implement federal laws in the federal units. The civil law judiciary has no contempt of court against the administration and against authorities of federal units.


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