17. Europe in the Middle East

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Hollis
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Third ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter examines the evolution of European approaches to the Middle East. Realism would downplay the relevance of institutions such as the European Union and the limits to cooperation. Yet medium powers such as Europe can shape outcomes in international relations and there are Middle Eastern states that have looked to Europe to supply this balancing effect. The chapter discusses four discernible phases in the story of European involvement in the Middle East in the last hundred years. The first is the era of European imperialism in the Middle East; the second coincides with the Cold War, which witnessed the rivalry between the Western powers for commercial gain; the third period saw the EU member states set about devising a common foreign and security policy toward their neighbours in the Mediterranean; and the fourth covers the Arab Spring and the refugee crisis.

The East–West Divide Revisited 30 Years On

2021 ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Jacques Rupnik
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Double Standards ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Institutional Convergence ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

Thirty years after the end of the Cold War and the division of the continent, are we witnessing a renewed east–west divide in Europe? Fifteen years following the enlargement of the European Union to countries of central and eastern Europe, are we witnessing mere political differences or is there an emerging divergence between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member states on issues as fundamental as democracy and the rule of law? The triggering of Article 7 of the Lisbon Treaty against Poland and Hungary suggests the latter. This is the interpretation favoured in the media or in declarations of political figures on both sides of a newly restored dividing line. In the west, it tends to be perceived as a challenge to the European project and sometimes even as a justification for reservations regarding the very idea of the EU’s eastward expansion. In the Visegrád Group, there are claims of being treated as second-class members of the EU and resentment of alleged double standards and interference from Brussels, sometimes compared to pre-1989 control from Moscow. How can this triple divide on democracy, migration, and societal issues—three aspects of European liberalism—be accounted for after a quarter-century of unprecedented economic, political, and institutional convergence? One place to start is the misunderstandings concerning the process and meaning given to the post-1989 EU integration process (‘enlargement to the east’ or ‘European unification’). Different security concerns and threat perceptions (east versus south) also remain an obstacle in shaping a Common Foreign and Security Policy. There are deeper historical and cultural differences, the understanding of which is important to avoid recent divisions becoming fault lines. Finally these trends should be understood not as irreconcilable differences, but as a specific and acute version of a transeuropean crisis of democracy.

Reflections of EU Migration and Refugee Crisis in Slovak Foreign and Security Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (39) ◽  
pp. 70-83
Author(s):  
Martina Bolecekova
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Irregular Migrants ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
European Migration

At the end of 2014, the numbers of irregular migrants and asylum seekers in the European Union began to sharply increase. This so-called European migration and refugee crisis culminated in 2015, but did not affect all EU Member States to the same extent. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the impacts of “the crisis” in the Slovak Republic. In addition to the recent developments in the area of irregular immigration and numbers of asylum applications, we focus on broader social, political and foreign policy implications. The research is primarily based on the analysis of the official statistics. We compare pre-crisis data, data in the period considered as “the crisis", and the current situation. The Slovak territory had not been influenced significantly by immigration flows during the European migration and refugee crisis. Nevertheless, migration flows became an important topic also in Slovakia: developments within the EU territory raised awareness on the topic among political representatives as well as among the Slovak public. The importance of migratory flows is growing. It reflects the increase in the volume of migratory flows but also how international migration is perceived and interpreted in society.

scholarly journals The Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, Poland in the Middle East. United Arab Emirates Perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Scientific Goal ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Trade Potential ◽  
The Eu

The article’s scientific goal is to investigate the Weimar Triangle countries’ relations with the United Arab Emirates. Therefore, the author asks the research question. Are the Weimar Triangle states’ role and significance increasing in the external dimension of the European Union? Based on the example of the United Arab Emirates, the research adopted a hypothesis. It is the statement that after Brexit, the Weimar Triangle countries have a chance to improve their importance in the EU external activities. Apart from case studies, to revise the hypothesis, the author performed a meticulous comparative analysis. Moreover, the research implemented International Practice Theory as an appropriate tool to investigate the presented issue. This empirical research and its findings resulted from over ten years of the author’s direct observation, analysis, and participation in many initiatives, both in the European Union and in the United Arab Emirates. The Middle East for the Weimar Triangle countries is more significant than just from a trade potential perspective. The situation in this region is also affecting Europe, as well as global security architecture. For this reason, one should develop a coherent and comprehensive EU foreign and security policy towards the region, and the Weimar Triangle formula should be one of its pillars.

Policing Maastricht

1997 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-53
Author(s):  
N.S.J. Baxter
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Third ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Free Movement Of Persons ◽  
New Community ◽  
The Eu

In February 1992 the Treaty of European Union was signed at Maastricht. It committed member States to new Community goals which included increasing government cooperation in the fields of foreign and security policy along with justice and home affairs (Steiner, 1994). The following “pillars” to develop the Union were identified. First of all, the protection of the rights and interests of people was strengthened by introducing citizenship of the European Union (EU); secondly a commitment was made to implement a common foreign and security policy indicated a movement towards a common defence of the Union against third party States. The third pillar seeks to facilitate the free movement of persons, while ensuring their safety and security through member States, by working closely in the areas of justice and home affairs (Benyon et al, 1993). It is this latter aspect which has implications for policing within the EU.

scholarly journals The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the Role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)

2019 ◽  
pp. 697-706
Author(s):  
Zahid Shahab Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Syrian Refugees ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Syrian Refugee ◽  
Continuous Support ◽  
Syrian Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Arab Spring

Following the Arab Spring, the Middle East is in chaos with ongoing wars in Yemen and Syria. There are millions of Syrians seeking refuge in neighboring countries like Turkey and Lebanon, and in European countries like Greece, Hungary, and Germany. Nonetheless, the largest proportion of Syrian refugees in hosted by neighboring countries needing continuous support of the international community. As the issue of Syrian refugees is transnational, there is a need to look for multilateral options for dealing with the crisis. Thus, the role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) becomes crucial. Irrespective of being labelled as a ‘talk fest', there is no denying of the fact that OIC has significant potential for tackling grave challenges facing the Muslim world. The problems range from extremism and radicalization to poverty and illiteracy. Now there is the emergent challenge of refugees from the Middle Eastern crisis. This paper evaluates the role of OIC with reference to the Syrian refugee crisis in the Middle East and beyond.

The Amsterdam Treaty

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Vanhoonacker
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
External Action ◽  
Majority Voting ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam

The Treaty of Amsterdam was the result of the 1996–1997 Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) among the then 15 EU member states (March 1996–June 1998). Its three core objectives were making Europe more relevant to its citizens, enabling it to work better and preparing it for enlargement, and giving it greater capacity for external action. It was the first IGC since the enlargement with Austria, Finland, and Sweden, who had joined the European Union (EU) in 1995. The negotiations took place in the aftermath of the collapse of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe, opening the prospect of an eastern enlargement. Shortly before the start of the IGC, the Madrid European Council (December 1995) had confirmed that the decisions on launching the accession negotiations would be taken within six months of the conclusion of the IGC. The Treaty was not the critical juncture in European-integration history, which the previous Maastricht Treaty had been. The 1996–1997 IGC tried to complete some of the unfinished work of its predecessor. This included the further extension of qualified majority voting (QMV) and codecision, the shaping of a European security policy and making further progress in dossiers such as energy, civil protection, and the hierarchy of norms. Still it would be erroneous simply to downplay the Treaty as a mere “leftover” text. Under the leadership of the successive Italian, Irish, and Dutch presidencies, the heads of state or government reached an agreement on an employment chapter, a strengthening of social policy, the creation of the position of a high representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), a partial communitarization of cooperation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA), provisions on flexible integration and the integration of Schengen into the Treaty. Highly sensitive issues such as the reweighting of the Council voting system and the size of the European Commission were postponed to the next IGC. After a relatively smooth ratification process, which raised little public attention, the Treaty of Amsterdam entered into force on May1, 1999.

scholarly journals The evolution of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Adashys ◽  
Polina Trostianska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
General Idea ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the stages of formation of the common foreign and security policy of the Eu-ropean Union. The main events and decisions of world leaders that influenced the formation of the general idea of the world community about the common foreign and security policy are considered. The paper focuses on the constant desire of the European community to agree on the creation of a single effective mechanism for a common foreign and security policy of the EU. Although, in the initial stages of integration, the countries of the «European six» failed to initiate integration in the defense and political spheres. Integration continued to develop in other areas, and European countries and their leaders took new steps to converge in the regulation of the common security policy. The positive and negative consequences of each step of the evolution and formation of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union, as well as the reaction of EU member states and other leading countries to them are highlighted. The current global events that have a significant impact on the mechanism of implementation of EU security policy are analyzed. The opinions of scientists and practitioners, European and world leaders on the implementation of common foreign and security policy are studied. It has been proved that Ukraine, as the leader of the Eastern Partnership, needs to improve its status, use security issues to work out joint decisions on a closer military partnership between it and the EU countries.

scholarly journals Decision-Making under Pillars Two and Three

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Jeřábek
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Treaty Of Lisbon ◽  
Legal Personality ◽  
The Third ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Difference

The paper focuses on the decision-making process in the European Union since approval of the Treaty of Maastricht. Special consideration is dedicated to pillars two and three. The second pillar is connected with Common Foreign and Security Policy, while the third pillar contributes with Justice and Home Affairs. The first part of this paper introduces the major tools which are commonly used and describes how pillars system works. The difference between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism is also addressed. In the second part the paper deals with some important changes under the Treaty of Nice and Treaty of Lisbon. The Treaty of Lisbon will cancel the pillars system, being replaced by one legal personality for the European Union. While the former treaties were partly based on intergovernmentalism, the Treaty of Lisbon is mostly oriented on supranationalism.

The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and Human Rights

1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martine Fouwels
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

The dispute between the European Union (EU) Member States which broke out over the EU resolution on human rights abuses in China during the 1997 session of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) in Geneva focused attention on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The present article offers a comprehensive review of the functioning of this institution in the field of the promotion and protection of human rights since the coming into force of the Treaty on European Union in November 1993. 1

Greek Foreign Policy Since the Metapolitefsi

2020 ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Spyros Economides
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
External Environment ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
External Relations ◽  
Holistic Understanding ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines Greek foreign policy since the metapolitefsi through three broad characteristics. First, it argues that since 1974, a central defining feature of Greek foreign and security policy has been the search for an external guarantor of interests and provider of security which has seen Greece gradually shift away from American tutelage to that of the European Union. Second, is the idea that Greece’s external environment has had a determining influence on its foreign policy and security policy: it is argued that much of Greek external relations can be explained and understood through Greece’s position regionally and internationally at any given point in time in the Cold War or post-Cold War geopolitical context. Third, this chapter argues that we need to look more closely at the domestic sources of decision-making to gain a better understanding of how and why Greek foreign policy is formulated. In sum, the chapter aims to overcome piecemeal approaches to examining Greek foreign policy since 1974 by providing a more holistic understanding of the drivers of Greek foreign policy.

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