8. Parties in Government

Author(s):  
Petia Kostadinova ◽  
Robert Thomson

This chapter explores a cornerstone of democratic theory: the idea that parties mediate the effect of public opinion on government policies. It begins by discussing whether elections give parties a mandate to pursue their campaign promises, a supposition that many political theorists find problematic. The chapter then reviews theories that predict and explain post-election coalition formation, as the type of government formed affects parties’ success in shaping government policies. Finally, the chapter reviews three of the main approaches to studying the impact of parties on public policies: welfare state models, public spending, and the keeping of election campaign promises.

2021 ◽  
pp. 152-172
Author(s):  
Willem Adema ◽  
Peter Whiteford

This chapter contributes to the discussion of public and private social welfare by drawing together recent information on these different ways of providing social benefits. It presents data on public social expenditure for 2015–17 and accounts for the impact of the tax system and private social expenditure to develop indicators on net social expenditure for 2015. The chapter shows that conventional estimates of gross public spending differ significantly from estimates of net public spending and net total social expenditure, leading to an incorrect measurement and ranking of total social welfare effort across countries.Just as importantly, the fact that total social welfare support is incorrectly measured implies that the outcomes of welfare state support may also be incorrectly measured. Thus, the main objectives of the chapter include considering the implications of this more comprehensive definition of welfare state effort for analysis of the distributional impact of the welfare state and for an assessment of the efficiency and incentive effects of different welfare state arrangements.


Author(s):  
Adrian Sinfield

The tax reliefs and related subsidies of fiscal welfare contribute significantly but virtually invisibly to maintaining and reinforcing inequality. This chapter examines their support to occupational and personal pensions, the largest area of social spending through the tax and National Insurance systems. The benefits go to less than half the working-age population and disproportionately to those paying higher rates of tax, their employers and the pensions industry. It is a major example of ‘means-enhancing’ redistribution as opposed to the means-testing of much welfare state provision. The particular and considerable value of National Insurance exemptions deserves far more attention than government or independent analysts have given it. Official statistics need to integrate fiscal with public spending and include the impact of fiscal welfare in their distributional analyses. Democratic policymaking needs to take account of it in tackling and reducing inequality across the whole society.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niklas Jakobsson ◽  
Staffan Kumlin

Although theoretically contentious, most empirical studies contend that electoral-political factors structure the welfare state. In practice, most studies concentrate on ‘government partisanship’, that is the ideological character of the government. We agree that politics matters but also seek to expand our understanding of what ‘politics’ should be taken to mean. Drawing on recent comparative research on agenda-setting, we study the impact of whether welfare state issues were broadly salient in the public sphere during the election campaign that produced the government. We formulate hypotheses about how such systemic campaign salience and government partisanship (separately and interactively) affect welfare generosity. We also consider how such effects might have changed, taking into account challenges to standard assumptions of representative democracy coming from the ‘new politics of the welfare state’ framework. We combine well-known, but updated, data on welfare state generosity and government partisanship, with original contextual data on campaign salience from 16 West European countries for the years 1980–2008. We find that campaigns matter but also that their impact has changed. During the first half of the examined period (the 1980s and early 1990s), it mainly served to facilitate government partisanship effects on the welfare state. More recently, big-time campaign attention to welfare state issues results in some retrenchment (almost) regardless of who forms the postelection government. This raises concerns about the democratic status of the politics of welfare state reform in Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 648-654
Author(s):  
Siti Khomsah ◽  
Agus Sasmito Aribowo

YouTube is the most widely used in Indonesia, and it’s reaching 88% of internet users in Indonesia. YouTube’s comments in Indonesian languages produced by users has increased massively, and we can use those datasets to elaborate on the polarization of public opinion on government policies. The main challenge in opinion analysis is preprocessing, especially normalize noise like stop words and slang words. This research aims to contrive several preprocessing model for processing the YouTube commentary dataset, then seeing the effect for the accuracy of the sentiment analysis. The types of preprocessing used include Indonesian text processing standards, deleting stop words and subjects or objects, and changing slang according to the Indonesian Dictionary (KBBI). Four preprocessing scenarios are designed to see the impact of each type of preprocessing toward the accuracy of the model. The investigation uses two features, unigram and combination of unigram-bigram. Count-Vectorizer and TF-IDF-Vectorizer are used to extract valuable features. The experimentation shows the use of unigram better than a combination of unigram and bigram features. The transformation of the slang word to standart word raises the accuracy of the model. Removing the stop words also contributes to increasing accuracy. In conclusion, the combination of preprocessing, which consists of standard preprocessing, stop-words removal, converting of Indonesian slang to common word based on Indonesian Dictionary (KBBI), raises accuracy to almost 3.5% on unigram feature.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Ignasius Liliek Senaharjanta

AbstrakPenelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk melihat seberapa besar dampak foto jurnalistik dalam memengaruhi pemilih, terutama pada masa pemilihan umum kepala daerah DKI Jakarta putaran kedua. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Kerangka teoretis dalam penelitian ini menggunakan konstruksi sosial dan agenda setting untuk mengetahui bagaimana media melakukan konstruksi pada saat melakukan pemberitaan pada masa kampanye pemilihan kepala daerah DKI Jakarta. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dan pembahasan, dapat disimpulkan bahwa surat kabar Kompas dan Republika dalam memublikasikan pemberitaan pemilihan kepala daerah DKI Jakarta memiliki agenda yang berbeda. Kompas, dalam pemberitaannya tampak memihak kepada salah seorang kandidat calon kepala daerah, namun masih memberikan porsi seimbang untuk publikasi dari pasangan kandidat calon kepala daerah yang lain. Sementara itu, Republika memberikan  perhatian lebih terhadap salah satu pasangan kandidat calon kepala daerah DKI Jakarta. Pemberitaan yang ditampilkan dalam bentuk visual foto jurnalistik banyak didominasi oleh pasangan salah satu calon kepala daerah DKI Jakarta. Foto jurnalistik akan memiliki dampak atau pengaruh untuk membentuk opini publik atau pemilih, apabila foto mengenai sebuah isu diberitakan secara terus-menerus oleh media.Kata kunci: foto jurnalistik, pilkada DKI, konstruksi sosial, agenda setting AbstractThe Impacts of Photojournalism in Local Newspaper During The Jakarta Regional Head Election Campaign in Influencing The Voters.  This research aims to analyze the impact of photojournalism in influencing the voters especially during the regional head election on the second round.  This research was conducted using qualitative method. The theoretical framework used in this research was social construction and agenda setting to analyze how the media have constructed the news and published it during the regional election. Based on the result and the discussion of this research, it could be concluded that Kompas and Republika newspaper had different agenda in publishing news on Jakarta regional election. Kompas, although seems to tend on one of the candidates, still published proportional information for both candidates, whereas Republika gave more portion towards one specific candidate. The publication presented on the newspaper especially photos of one specific candidate dominated the news release. Photojournalism will give impacts and influences for the voters' public opinion when it is published continuously by the media.Keywords: photojournalism, Jakarta regional election, social construction, agenda setting


2005 ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
E. Serova ◽  
O. Shick

Russian policy makers argue that agriculture suffers from decapitalization due to financial constraints faced by producers. This view is the basis for the national agricultural policy, which emphasizes reimbursement of input costs and substitutes government and quasi-government organizations for missing market institutions. The article evaluates the availability of purchased farm inputs, the efficiency of their use, the main problems in the emergence of market institutions, and the impact of government policies. The analysis focuses on five groups of purchased inputs: farm machinery, fertilizers, fuel, seeds, and animal feed. The information sources include official statistics and data from two original surveys.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR STEGNII

The paper analyses specific features of sociological data circulation in a public space during an election campaign. The basic components of this kind of space with regard to sociological research are political actors (who put themselves up for the election), voters and agents. The latter refer to professional groups whose corporate interests are directly related to the impact on the election process. Sociologists can also be seen as agents of the electoral process when experts in the field of electoral sociology are becoming intermingled with manipulators without a proper professional background and publications in this field. In a public space where an electoral race is unfolding, empirical sociological research becomes the main form of obtaining sociological knowledge, and it is primarily conducted to measure approval ratings. Electoral research serves as an example of combining the theoretical and empirical components of sociological knowledge, as well as its professional and public dimensions. Provided that sociologists meet all the professional requirements, electoral research can be used as a good tool for evaluating the trustworthiness of results reflecting the people’s expression of will. Being producers of sociological knowledge, sociologists act in two different capacities during an election campaign: as analysts and as pollsters. Therefore, it is essential that the duties and areas of responsibility for professional sociologists should be separated from those of pollsters. Another thing that needs to be noted is the negative influence that political strategists exert on the trustworthiness of survey findings which are going to be released to the public. Using the case of approval ratings as an illustration, the author analyses the most common techniques aimed at misrepresenting and distorting sociological data in the public space. Particular attention is given to the markers that can detect bogus polling companies, systemic violations during the research process and data falsification.


Author(s):  
Dirk Luyten

For the Netherlands and Belgium in the twentieth century, occupation is a key concept to understand the impact of the war on welfare state development. The occupation shifted the balance of power between domestic social forces: this was more decisive for welfare state development than the action of the occupier in itself. War and occupation did not result exclusively in more cooperation between social classes: some interest groups saw the war as a window of opportunity to develop strategies resulting in more social conflict. Class cooperation was often part of a political strategy to gain control over social groups or to legitimate social reforms. The world wars changed the scale of organization of social protection, from the local to the national level: after World War II social policy became a mission for the national state. For both countries, war endings had more lasting effects for welfare state development than the occupation itself.


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