state reform
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2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirosława Sagan-Bielawa

Language in the Creation Process of the New Regions of PolandThe article concerns the influence of state reform on the evolution of regional identity. The aim of the article is to describe the role of language in these changes. In 1999, sixteen large regions (voivodeships) were established; it is significant that the contemporary names of these voivodeships refer to historical choronyms. The boundaries between administrative divisions and traditional ethnographic regions are indistinct due to the use of variant names like Małopolska, Podkarpacie, Pomorze Zachodnie instead of the formal names województwo małopolskie, podkarpackie, zachodniopomorskie etc., as well as the creation of new names of inhabitants (e.g. Zachodniopomorzanie, Małopolanie, Ślązacy, Lubuszanie) and nomina-abstracta (e.g. “małopolskość”, “podkarpackość”). The meaning of the Polish word region (‘area’, ‘territory’, also ‘private homeland’) became synonymous with województwo (‘voivodeship’, ‘province’). Furthermore, the blurred distinction between geographical and administrative names gives rise to the misconception that dialectal differentiation in Poland is related to the boundaries of voivodeships. Język w procesie kształtowania nowych regionów w PolsceArtykuł dotyczy ewolucji tożsamości regionalnej, jaka dokonała się w wyniku administracyjnej regionalizacji sprzed 20 lat. Celem artykułu jest pokazanie roli języka w tych zmianach. Nazwy 16 województw utworzonych w Polsce w 1999 roku nawiązują do historycznych nazw geograficznych, a same terminy województwo i region traktowane są jako synonimy. Użycie nazw typu Małopolska, Podkarpacie, Pomorze Zachodnie jako wariantywnych nazw województw (zamiast określeń województwo: małopolskie, podkarpackie, zachodniopomorskie itp.), tworzenie nowych nazw mieszkańców (np. Zachodniopomorzanie, Małopolanie, Ślązacy, Lubuszanie), a także abstrakcyjnych nazw cech (np. „małopolskość”, „podkarpackość”) powodują, że zaciera się różnica między podziałem administracyjnym a tradycyjnymi regionami. Mieszanie się nazewnictwa administracyjnego i geograficznego sprzyja również powstawaniu przekonania o istnieniu podziałów gwarowych i dialektalnych odpowiadających granicom województw.


2021 ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
André Lecours

This chapter considers a case, Flanders, where secessionism has not gained strength despite many episodes fuelling tensions between the two main communities and significant, though episodic, cynicism about the future of the country. The singular political development of the Belgian state, which has involved an incremental and open-ended process of decentralization, has meant that Flemish autonomy is dynamic. Belgium is famous for its seemingly incessant constitutional politics leading to reforms of the state that transform the country’s institutional architecture in innovative ways. For Flanders, these state reforms have meant a gradual expansion of autonomy. Moreover, the reforms are never meant to conclude a process of decentralization; they always leave issues to be dealt with at an ulterior date. State reforms are high-profile events that often occur to manage a crisis between the two communities and are subject to government formation agreements in the context of the country’s consociational practices. Flemish parties can typically have a state reform if most of them want one or else the country remains without a government, which is something Francophone parties want to avoid for fear it makes Belgium seem unworkable and therefore feeds Flemish secessionist arguments. As Flemings know there is a forthcoming state reform that will enhance their collective autonomy and address some issues perceived as important for their national identity and interests, there is little incentive to support secessionist positions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101269022110378
Author(s):  
Kirsten Hextrum ◽  
Simran Sethi

At Title IX’s 50th anniversary we address the contradictions embedded in liberal state reform. This anniversary provides a juncture to consider the limitations of seeking gender liberation through the state. While US law is often credited with revolutionizing athletic access for girls and women, we trace how the state stymied greater transformation efforts. Using poststructuralist and Black feminist state critiques, we show how Title IX utilized an assimilation approach to equity by inviting state domination into women’s sports. This invitation expanded state power across four domains— definitional, protective, surveillance, and economic—which retained rather than disrupted heteropatriarchal, White, capitalist, dominance. We conclude with suggestions to reignite a movement for women's liberation that reimagines gender-equitable sports beyond the state's control for the forthcoming 50 years.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gemma Ubasart-González ◽  
Analía Mara Minteguiaga

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the relation between estate transformations produced during the governments of the Citizen Revolution (CR) in Ecuador (2007-2017) and welfare regime transformations.Design/methodology/approachThe CR’s project registers an array of specificities that make it a relevant case study to understand it. Among them, it articulated the transformation of the development model with a comprehensive state reform: emphasized both the modernization of the state and the productive structure, and the creation of the basic pillars of a welfare state. The ambitious project materialized in an ambivalent manner, revealing accomplishments and limitations.FindingsThe recovery of resources for the state, the efficient organization of resources, decentralization and deconcentration processes, public administration transformations and policy de-corporatization processes accompanied and even propelled important achievements in the social sphere in terms of decommodification, stratification, commodification and defamiliarization. Ecuador’s starting point, as a small and impoverished country with pubic and communal goods and services dismantled through neoliberal reforms, was quite precarious. But, progress was made. Beyond the identified limitations, its accomplishments must be highlighted because they are novel in comparison to other progressive government experiences, especially in the context of Central Andean countries.Originality/valueThis article vindicates the need to link state transformation processes to welfare regime transformations, as well as the academic literature that informs both fields. The description of what took place in Ecuador in the field of social welfare during the ten years of the CR continues to confirm the theoretical potential of the concept of welfare regime with the necessary translations and appropriations that allow for the analysis of countries in the region. It enables an approach to a more theoretically and methodologically elusive object that is at the same time tremendously potent in analytical terms and in its contributions to social transformations. An object that alludes to areas gravely affected during neoliberal hegemony, linked to public institutionality, state capacity and state autonomy. This is why everything that affects the state and the management of public goods and services must be incorporated into the analysis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
A.M. Fedorchenko ◽  
◽  
V.V. Nedosekov ◽  

The movement to ensure Ukraine's integration into the EU is a modern direction of the current state reform. A positive reflection of this process is the official adoption of a number of legislative documents in accordance with international requirements, the standards of which regulate the production of safe and quality products, including poultry. Thus, the implementation of the necessary HACCP (Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point) requirements for product safety and quality at the level of European standards was able to introduce in the country only a small number of large enterprises in the poultry industry. Most medium and small poultry farms in Ukraine have not implemented the requirements of the HACCP standard and international ISO quality standards, which limited their ability to control product safety in accordance with international requirements and became an obstacle to selling their products in foreign markets. A positive and necessary point of implementation of the European biosafety requirements of the HACCP principles is the expanded possibility in carrying out effective and detailed control of safety and quality indicators of food products in the poultry industry. This control should be established by clearly defined components that are interconnected in interconnected technological processes. Such components in poultry hatcheries are: a detailed analysis of critical control points of hazards of each stage of the production process; use of components and raw materials in general; application of timely monitoring, preventive anti-epizootic and corrective measures to prevent danger at all production sites of poultry hatcheries. Thanks to the constant control of all critical control points of dangers in poultry hatcheries, it is possible to achieve the production of safe and high-quality products obtained from healthy poultry in the poultry industry.


2021 ◽  
pp. 38-42
Author(s):  
O. ORLOVA

The Kochubey family has left a significant mark on history, politics, and state reform. The article considers the representatives of the family as statesmen and literary characters of the works of Alexander Pushkin and Leo Tolstoy. Vasyl Kochubey, the protagonist of the poem “Poltava”, provokes discussions about Pushkin’s assessments of the events of the Great Northern War. However, the author of the poem was interested primarily in the psychological aspect of the character of a person who was captivated by parental feelings. The romanticized image of Kochubey is similar to the image of Mazepa from Byron’s poem, also far from historical similarity. L. Tolstoy’s novel depicts another well-known representative of the family, Viktor Pavlovich Kochubey, whose role in the work is significant not in the plot development, but ideologically - as an alternative to the Decembrist path of development of the Russian Empire. This is the hero who influenced the principles of Andrew Balkonsky, partially influenced the views of his son. The article suggests the absence of images of Dykan Kochubeys in the works of M. Gogol. The theme of historical and literary memory in the works of M. Gogol, who bypassed the silence of famous neighbors, is studied. The Kochubey family left a noticeable mark on Poltava land. Dykanka is still called Kochubeyivska, there is the Mykolayiv Church with a family crypt and an oak alley, which witnessed the love of Mazepa and Motri.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095892872097801
Author(s):  
Julian L. Garritzmann ◽  
Hanna Schwander

This article contributes to the study of the demand side of welfare politics by investigating gender differences in social investment preferences systematically. Building on the different functions of social investment policies in creating, preserving, or mobilizing skills, we argue that women do not support social investment policies generally more strongly than men. Rather, women demand, in particular, policies to preserve their skills during career interruptions and help to mobilize their skills on the labour market. In a second analytical step, we examine women’s policy priorities if skill preservation and mobilization come at the expense of social compensation. We test our arguments for eight Western European countries with data from the INVEDUC survey. The confirmation of our arguments challenges a core assumption of the literatures on the social investment turn and women’s political realignment. We discuss the implication of our findings in the conclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (S29) ◽  
pp. 41-68
Author(s):  
Leyla Dakhli

AbstractThe “Bread Riots” that broke out in Tunisia on 28 December 1983 lasted barely ten days. Yet, they cost the lives of over one hundred people. The revolt studied here centred on two popular neighbourhoods of Tunis in the wake of massive, World Bank-sponsored development plans. This article seeks to understand how the inhabitants in these quarters reacted to the establishment of a new welfare state that was more concerned with fighting poverty – or fighting the poor – than with equalizing conditions or offering the same opportunities for everyone. Based on this case study, I argue that the great Bread Revolt of 1983–1984 marked a break with past practices of state reform and popular protest and suggest that International Monetary Fund and World Bank prescriptions and state implementations reconfigured the political and social landscape of independent Tunisia.


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