Part IV Power Politics, International Law, and Global Security, Ch.46 China

Author(s):  
Cai Congyan

This chapter discusses the relationship between China and global security. Since the 1980s, the landscape of global security has transformed and, accordingly, China has redefined its concept of security, first contending that the risk of global confrontation and, in particular, military threats to China had significantly reduced in the 1980s and, secondly, by proposing the New Security Concept in the 1990s. Moreover, China was welcomed internationally for its increasing contribution to international security by participating in United Nations peacekeeping operations. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, however, a number of events have occurred which have adversely affected global security. Ultimately, the question of how to deal with global security concerns that stem from the rise of China is part of a far-reaching process on how a rising China treats, and is treated in, the international legal order. As such, the chapter addresses the following issues: What is the international security landscape in relation to a rising China? How has China transformed its traditional conception of sovereignty in order to engage with international security? Should any new legal regulations be considered to address security threats in relation to a rising China? Should legal means exclusively be relied on to address international security?

Author(s):  
Congyan Cai

This chapter mainly aims to introduce the research background and research structure of The Rise of China and International Law: Taking Chinese Exceptionalism Seriously. It first explains why the rise of China and, accordingly, the engagement of China and international legal order are critical for the configuration of international relations in the twenty-first century, especially for great powers like the United States, which demonstrates the academic importance of this book. Then, by examining the arguments of authorities of international relations and international law, the book shows how the perception of scholars of the rise of China, especially the relationship between the rise of China and international law, has changed in the past several decades. It also introduces the arguments of governments and leaders of China and the United States as to how international law matters to the rise of China and how international law may be used to engage the rise of China. Finally, it explains how the book is structured.


Author(s):  
Congyan Cai

The rise of China represents a far-reaching process of international relations in the twentieth century, which should bring about extensive but uncertain ramifications. How China interacts with international legal order—namely, how China takes advantage of international law to facilitate and justify its rise and whether and how international law is relied upon to engage a rising China—has been inviting growing debates among academics and policy circles. A couple of recently eye-catching events, for instance, China-Philippines South China Sea (SCS) arbitration and the China-U.S. trade war, have intensified unease in international society. This book for the first time provides a systematic and critical elaboration on interplay between a rising China and international law. It focuses on several crucial issues, including: Is international law relevant to the rise of China? How has China adjusted its international legal policies as China’s state identity changes over time, especially as it rises as a new great power? What methodologies does China adopt to comply with international law, in particular, to achieve its new legal strategy of norm entrepreneurship? What is the typology of China’s engagement with international organizations? How does China organize its domestic institutions to engage international law to enhance its rise? How does China use international law at the national level (Chinese courts) and the international level (lawfare in international dispute settlement)? And finally, how should “Chinese exceptionalism” be understood? This book adds important literature on emerging comparative international law.


Author(s):  
Congyan Cai

This chapter aims to answer the following questions: How has China’s state identity changed since the nineteenth century when the Chinese empire began to be forced to engage with the Western world, especially since the founding of the PRC in 1949 when China had begun to embrace socialist ideology and regime at odds with those in the Western world? What is China in the twenty-first century? What implications does China’s identity have on its international legal policies? How does China respond to the conventional assumption of the relationship between state identity and behaviors? And how does China seek to reduce the potential dissonance between its new identity and behavior, as well as reassure other countries that are wary about the rise of China?


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Chih-Yu Shih ◽  
Chihyun Chang

The rise of China is a major feature of global politics at the beginning of the twenty-first century, and one that raises the question of how a rising China and global politics will adapt to each other. This study argues that historical cases are also useful in addressing this question. Four cases are compared: two during the reign of Emperor Xianfeng and another two under the rule of Emperor Guangxu. Emperor Xianfeng's view of China was that it possessed a unique culture that should be separated from alien forces, which he intuitively conceived as different, whereas Emperor Guangxu accepted exchanges with the West as a civilization and was willing to learn from them as a cultural resource. Despite this difference in their political perspectives, both emperors similarly faced constraints to their power in implementing their policies. Two cases are selected for each emperor to demonstrate how they acted differently from a cultural orientation of estrangement and exchange on one hand as well as a position of strength and weakness on the other. This comparative study provides insights into how China in the twenty-first century adapts to its expanding influence.


Author(s):  
Matteo Marenco

Abstract This article reviews three books that offer thought-provoking insights on a central political science question, namely the relationship between capitalism and democracy in the twenty-first century. First, ‘Democracy and Prosperity’ by Iversen and Soskice posits a symbiotic relationship between capitalism and democracy. Advanced capital thrives on nationally rooted institutions, hence it needs democratic politics. A majority of voters ask for pro-advanced-capital reforms, hence democratic politics needs advanced capital. Second, ‘Capitalism, Alone’ by Milanovic depicts a troubled coexistence between capitalism and democracy. The former's tendency to concentrate economic and political power in the hands of the few is the main reason why democratic politics is under pressure. Third, ‘The Age of Surveillance Capitalism’ by Zuboff suggests a negative relationship between digital capitalism and democracy. Surveillance capitalism increasingly acts as a control means of individuals' behaviour, which undermines democracy at its roots. The last section brings the three contributions together. It maintains that a mutually beneficial coexistence between capitalism and democracy currently faces both internal (from within) and external (from without) challenges. In line with Milanovic and Zuboff, it argues that the concentration of economic and political power in the hands of the few is the most apparent from-within challenge. Drawing on Milanovic, it contends that rise of China as a global power combining capitalism with non-democracy challenges the relationship between capitalism and democracy from without. Finally, it contends that the environmental question and the pandemic represent two windows of opportunity for democracy to recover lost ground and re-establish a more balanced relationship with capitalism.


Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

The Obama administration announced in 2010 that the US would make a strategic foreign policy turn towards Asia i.e. China. This chapter shows that the discussion on this policy in the US is framed by a shared perception that the rise of China presents an existential challenge to the US-led world order that has prevailed since 1945. Some see conflict as an inevitable consequence of Great Power politics; others allege conflict will be unavoidable because China has regional expansionist aspirations or because China is a revisionist power that does not accept the rules of the ‘pax Americana’. The Pentagon is developing military strategies in the case of conflict with China. This chapter demonstrates that wherever the argument, starts, whether from a neocon or liberal perspective, whether concerned about the US’s economic, military or strategic position, all arrive at the same conclusion: China must be brought into line.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-362
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Kawasaki

An unprecedented geopolitical landscape, driven by the reduction of Arctic ice and the rise of China as “a Polar power,” is emerging. What does this mean for Canada, and how should Canada respond to it in a systematic and strategic manner? We need a coherent and holistic conceptual framework to answer these key policy questions. Yet, the current literatures do not offer us such a concept. In an attempt to fill the void, this article presents a vision that conceives of Canada as “a peninsula state” exposed to great power politics in its vicinity, involving China as a rising power as well as the United States and Russia as resident powers. Furthermore, it argues that Canada should be prepared for three kinds of strategic dynamics as it enters the game of great power politics: theatre-linkage tactics and wedge-driving tactics vis-à-vis China and Russia, as well as quasi-alliance dilemma with the United States. Moreover, in order for Canada to cope with this complex international environment effectively, this article calls for creating a cabinet-level unit to coordinate various federal bureaucracies’ foreign and security policies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 205-222
Author(s):  
Sheng Hongsheng

Dramatic changes have taken place in the international legal system since the end of World War II, such as the expanding arenas for application of international law, the emergence of a series of new legal institutions, and the parallel extension of both rights and obligations of states. In recent years, new developments have been arising in the international legal system, manifested by three important sets of transition, that is, from a "sovereign priority" to a "human rights priority"; from "consent-orientation" to "coercion-orientation"; and from "integrity" to "fragmentation." The rise of China and the evolution of international law are closely related: while China's ascent has been achieved within the parameters of the international legal system, a more prosperous and stronger China will certainly influence the future trajectory of the evolving system. China should and can be a positive force in constructing a contemporary international legal order through promoting domestic justice and international rule of law. In this process, China needs to take a more proactive role and evolve from being a recipient to a rule-maker, in order to modify the outdated principles and rules in international law.


2019 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Usama Shehzad ◽  
Sarah Ahmed Malik ◽  
Muhammad Adnan

The rise of a new economic giant in the Asian region i.e., China in the 21st century has made many global and regional powers stressed and the US is one of those countries which is worried about rising China in Asia and therefore, it is taking different measures to counter the rise of China in every manner. For this purpose, they have collaborated with one of the regional powers in the south of Asia i.e., India to counter China in the region. This paper focuses on the collaboration of countries i.e., India, Japan, along with Australia and the US in the Indo-Pacific region and how this collaboration would be able to serve the interests of the US in the region against China.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Mykola Kapitonenko

The article examines manifestations of China’s rise and the attendant risks for the international security system. The author draws on a set of key approaches to measuring state power in his analysis of China’s hard and soft power as well as its structural capabilities. It has been demonstrated that China is closing the gap on the USA on key power indicators – the economic capabilities and military resources. However, a number of factors are slowing down its progress. With regard to the structural power, soft power and potential to engage allies the USA continues to hold significant advantages. China’s hegemonic aspirations bring about considerable structural transformations into international politics and impact international security. Redistribution of power and influence would reconfigure alliances, and impose new limitations on the actions and expectations of states. The rise of China and growing tensions between China and the USA would cause a complex and large-scale impact on the security of not only those two states, but the rest of the world as well. At both global and bilateral levels, security institutions and structures will undergo changes. The rise of bipolarity will escalate the standoff. The USA and China may become hostages to Thucydides Trap, whereby steps to maximize one’s security will lead to a greater threat – and eventually to a devastating conflict – as the other party will also try to reciprocate. China's rise may also pose a security dilemma for potential allies of both countries, weaken international institutions of cooperation and security, and engender a deep crisis of confidence. Scenarios of how the system of international security could respond are examined from the perspective of a security dilemma, power transition theory, and hegemonic stability theory. While both theories view the situation as challenging, they differ in their analysis of the sources and scale of risks.


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