LGBT Social Movements

Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Stone ◽  
Sarah Davis

The study of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) social movements mostly emerges out of the sociological study of social movements, although historians have written a number of texts focusing on the history of the movement. The LGBT movement has transformed dramatically throughout time; contemporary queer politics would be incomprehensible to homophile activists mobilizing after World War II. At any given moment, the movement has diversity within it in terms of participants, agendas, tactics, and collective identities; in the early 1970s, within the one social movement there were lesbian feminists and gay liberationists organizing more radical politics, homophile activists taking more moderate approaches to visibility, and the beginnings of the modern liberal gay rights movements. Scholars tend to focus on the mobilizations, tactics, ideologies, and collective identities of the movements. This bibliography provides an overview of the LGBT movements, sections on major phases of the movement, and sections that provide guidance on law and culture in the movement. The major phases of the movement include the early gay and lesbian homophile organizing, gay liberationist politics, lesbian feminism, AIDS activism, and the modern LGBT movement.

Author(s):  
Leila J. Rupp ◽  
Benita Roth ◽  
Verta Taylor

This chapter explores the history of women’s participation in the LGBT movement, from the homophile phase in the 1950s–1960s through gay liberation, lesbian feminism, anti-AIDS activism in the 1980s–1990s, to contemporary queer activism and the marriage equality movement. The chapter points to shifts in women’s participation, ranging from fighting for women’s issues within male-dominated organizations to creating separatist groups to collaborating with gay men in mixed-gender organizations. In addition, the chapter focuses on changes in collective identities adopted by women in the LGBT movement, sometimes emphasizing commonalities across the lines of sex and sexual identity and sometimes emphasizing difference. The analysis makes clear the ways that social movement spillover from the Old Left, civil rights, women’s, anti-war, New Left, and other movements had an impact on women’s organizing in the LGBT movement, and, in turn, how women’s participation in the movement spilled over to new forms of activism.


Author(s):  
Constantinos Koliopoulos

International relations and history are inextricably linked, and with good reason. This link is centuries old: Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, one of the very earliest and one of the very greatest historical works of all time, is widely regarded as the founding textbook of international relations. Still, those two disciplines are legitimately separate. A somewhat clear boundary between them can probably be drawn around three lines of demarcation: (1) past versus present, (2) idiographic versus nomothetic, and (3) description versus analysis. The utility of history for the analysis of international affairs has been taken for granted since time immemorial. History is said to offer three things to international relations scholars: (1) a ready source of examples, (2) an opportunity to sharpen their theoretical insights, and (3) historical consciousness, that is, an understanding of the historical context of human existence and a corresponding ability to form intelligent judgment about human affairs. This tradition continued well after international relations firmly established itself as a recognized separate discipline some time after World War II, and would remain virtually unchallenged until the 1960s. Since the 1960s, attitudes toward history have diverged within the international relations community. Some approaches, most notably the English school and the world system analysis, have almost by definition thriven on history. History plays a fundamental role in the critical-constructivist approach, while realist scholars continue to draw regularly on history. History is far less popular, though not absent from works belonging to the liberal-idealist approach. Postmodernism is the one approach that is almost completely antithetical to the analytical use of history. Postmodernists have characterized history as merely another form of fiction and question the existence of objective truth and transhistorical knowledge. One cannot exclude the possibility that postmodernism is correct in this respect; however, it is highly unlikely that uncountable generations of people have been victims of mass deception or mass psychosis regarding the utility of history, not least in the analysis of international relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-82
Author(s):  
Amir Engel

Abstract While there is growing interest in the postwar era, the cultural characteristics of the period after World War II and the period’s historical scope are still largely underdetermined. The purpose of this article is to offer a more nuanced use of the term postwar and insights into the cultural landscape of this enormously significant moment in the history of the West. To do so, it examines three major works of what is termed here the immediate postwar. These works are fundamentally dissimilar and yet, it is argued, share an emotional disposition. As shown, all three works exhibit a complex dialectical coupling of horror and anticipation. In other words, this article demonstrates that the cultural production of the postwar period (in the exact sense of the term) is characterized, on the one hand, by a sincere depiction of suffering and depravity but, on the other, by an intense engagement with questions about the moral and social future.


Author(s):  
Michael Schiltz

Japan’s experience with modern capitalism and finance is characterized by a remarkable combination of shocks and adaptation. After being steamrolled by Western institutions and financial technologies, the country attempted to retaliate against this intrusion. However, regaining financial sovereignty proved a protracted process of trial and error. In the 1880s and 1890s, under the auspices of Matsukata Masayoshi, Tokyo seemed to get it right. The establishment of the Bank of Japan and related institutions, on the one hand, and the adoption of the gold standard, on the other, appeared designed to lift Japan out of its peripheral status. In reality, however, they mostly served to emphasize its role as an enabler of the British-led international order. Only in the 1930s, during the worldwide Great Depression, would it break with this role, if only to find that its autonomy had been compromised from the very beginning. Japan’s disastrous loss in World War II drove the country into the arms of the newly arisen global hegemon: the United States. In the early 21st-century, Japan remains a linchpin in the still surviving American-led world order and the corollary “dollar standard.”


Author(s):  
Seth Anziska

American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict has reflected dueling impulses at the heart of US-Middle East relations since World War II: growing support for Zionism and Israeli statehood on the one hand, the need for cheap oil resources and strong alliances with Arab states on the other, unfolding alongside the ebb and flow of concerns over Soviet influence in the region during the Cold War. These tensions have tracked with successive Arab–Israeli conflagrations, from the 1948 war through the international conflicts of 1967 and 1973, as well as shifting modes of intervention in Lebanon, and more recently, the Palestinian uprisings in the occupied territories and several wars on the Gaza Strip. US policy has been shaped by diverging priorities in domestic and foreign policy, a halting recognition of the need to tackle Palestinian national aspirations, and a burgeoning peace process which has drawn American diplomats into the position of mediating between the parties. Against the backdrop of regional upheaval, this long history of involvement continues into the 21st century as the unresolved conflict between Israel and the Arab world faces a host of new challenges.


Author(s):  
Volker Woltersdorff

This essay analyses apocalyptic rhetoric in recent queer theoretical writings on negativity and temporality, in particular the invocation of an end, and its use for political radicality. The suspension of progressive time in favour of alternative temporalities, such as reversion, circularity or endless presence, has for long been a strategy of subcultural performance, coming out narratives, AIDS activism, and other queer politics. Such strategies stage a rupture within the linearity of time and the symbolic order of discourse. The author illustrates the potentials and pitfalls of this rhetoric gesture by elaborating its inherent dialectics between the disruption and the emergence of temporality. The dialectics consist precisely in that by radically negating historicity, apocalyptical rhetorics make history. Invoking the end of future thus empowers the one who is speaking, as it installs an immediate urgency for action and interpellates queer subjects. Yet, the assumed radicality often hides the privileged condition of its formation. By universalising the particularity of this perspective, it runs the risk of turning radical negativity into radical affirmation. In conclusion, the author claims that it is the loss of futurity rather than, as some antisocial approaches argue, the active destruction or negation of futurity that ought to be regarded as queer momentum. For when the experience of a queer loss results in a work of mourning, it aims at reappropriating the future and articulating it in unforeseen and queer ways.


2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Currier

The article theorizes and presents normalization as a movement-level strategy available to social movements dealing with an internal threat. By defining themselves against an internal threat's abnormality through a process of normalization, social movement organizations assert how they and the movement operate within socially and politically respectable parameters. Drawing on ethnographic, interview, and newspaper data, I show how mainstream South African lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement organizations deployed normalization to marginalize and expel an internal threat, the Gay and Lesbian Alliance, between 1998 and 2006.


2020 ◽  
Vol 125 (2) ◽  
pp. 460-486
Author(s):  
Rebecca Herman

Abstract During World War II, when Axis theories of racial supremacy became purported antonyms to Allied values, leaders of “non-white” countries gained a new framework for challenging a global order grounded in racialized notions of fitness for self-government. But the story is more complex than a sole focus on the international sphere allows, as those leaders who adopted anti-racist rhetoric to challenge their disadvantaged position in international politics were sometimes architects of racial hierarchy at home. This article examines how anti-racist struggles within Panama and the Canal Zone mapped onto the anti-imperialist project of a racist Panamanian state. Scholars of race and international relations have highlighted the challenges that anti-imperialist struggles posed to racialized criteria for international legitimacy, on the one hand, and the impact of geopolitical conflict on domestic struggles for racial equality, on the other. The view from the Canal Zone reveals the interplay between those two phenomena. Foregrounding Latin America in a history of the global politics of anti-racism precludes escape into binary visions of a world divided between colonizers and colonized, a racist Global North and an anti-racist Global South, or a tidy color line that splits humanity in two.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masayuki Murayama

AbstractKawashima's well-known arguments on Japanese legal consciousness represent characteristic concerns of Japanese socio-legal scholarship: comparison between Japan and the West on the one hand, and law and practice on the other. Such concerns originated much earlier, before World War II. Suehiro, the early founder, relied on Ehrlich's idea of living law to make law fit social reality. In contrast, Kawashima urged Japanese people to make modern law ‘our living law’. He also argued that Japanese consciousness was the main cause of the small volume of litigation. This thesis became a focus of empirical research by Japanese and foreign scholars. Kawashima played a significant role in establishing the sociology of law as a subject in law. In subsequent empirical studies, Kawashima's thesis has been critically assessed. Yet the sociology of law as an empirical science and the characteristic concerns his work represents are distinctive features of the sociology of law in Japan.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document