Miriam Makeba

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New York ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Black People ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
Female Group ◽  
Apartheid Regime

An iconic singer and an anti-apartheid activist, Miriam Makeba (b. 1932–d. 2008) was one of the most influential figures in the history of African popular music. Well before the advent of World Music as a marketing category, Makeba became a household name and mediated African music to diverse publics worldwide. Born in Johannesburg in 1932, Makeba absorbed the different musical genres of her surroundings, including African American jazz, gospel music, and the musical traditions of her Xhosa and Swazi family. She started singing professionally with the Cuban Brothers and later joined the Manhattan Brothers and the all-female group The Skylarks. Makeba participated in the musical King Kong, before making her major break outside of South Africa through her cameo appearance in the film Come Back, Africa, which documented the life of black people under the apartheid regime. Leaving South Africa to participate in screenings of the film, Makeba arrived in New York and began a prolific career, which resulted in several albums, television appearances, and a Grammy award for her album with her manager and mentor at that time, Harry Belafonte. Her position against the apartheid regime was manifested in her protest songs, supplemented by her political commentary, as well as in her public appearances, most notably in front of the UN Special Committee on Apartheid. Her marriage to civil rights activist Stokely Carmichael led to a decline in her career and the couple moved to Guinea, where Makeba became involved in the local music scene and in cultural production that is more attuned to the continent. Later in her life, Makeba regained her popularity in the United States by participating in the tour that followed Paul Simon’s Graceland album. After the collapse of the apartheid regime, Makeba returned to South Africa after thirty-two years in exile. During her lifetime, she paved the way for African musicians to succeed on global stages, and her legacy continues inspiring younger generations of African artists. Throughout the 20th century, Makeba was not the subject of much academic research. In recent years, however, scholars from diverse fields have begun to recognize the significance of her career and its intersection with key global processes in the 20th century, such as pan-Africanism, the Cold War, the struggle against apartheid, and African decolonization. To date, no general overviews have been written on Makeba’s work and, therefore, different sources must be consulted to obtain a full picture of her career.

American Opposition to South African Apartheid

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Hostetter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
South African ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
The United States ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Apartheid Regime

American activists who challenged South African apartheid during the Cold War era extended their opposition to racial discrimination in the United States into world politics. US antiapartheid organizations worked in solidarity with forces struggling against the racist regime in South Africa and played a significant role in the global antiapartheid movement. More than four decades of organizing preceded the legislative showdown of 1986, when a bipartisan coalition in Congress overrode President Ronald Reagan’s veto, to enact economic sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa. Adoption of sanctions by the United States, along with transnational solidarity with the resistance to apartheid by South Africans, helped prompt the apartheid regime to relinquish power and allow the democratic elections that brought Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress to power in 1994. Drawing on the tactics, strategies and moral authority of the civil rights movement, antiapartheid campaigners mobilized public opinion while increasing African American influence in the formulation of US foreign policy. Long-lasting organizations such as the American Committee on Africa and TransAfrica called for boycotts and divestment while lobbying for economic sanctions. Utilizing tactics such as rallies, demonstrations, and nonviolent civil disobedience actions, antiapartheid activists made their voices heard on college campuses, corporate boardrooms, municipal and state governments, as well as the halls of Congress. Cultural expressions of criticism and resistance served to reinforce public sentiment against apartheid. Novels, plays, movies, and music provided a way for Americans to connect to the struggles of those suffering under apartheid. By extending the moral logic of the movement for African American civil rights, American anti-apartheid activists created a multicultural coalition that brought about institutional and governmental divestment from apartheid, prompted Congress to impose economic sanctions on South Africa, and increased the influence of African Americans regarding issues of race and American foreign policy.

OUTSMARTING APARTHEID: An Oral History of United States–South Africa Cultural and Educational Exchange, 1960–1999

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Dan Whitman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
New York ◽  
Oral History ◽  
South African ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Exchange Programs ◽  
History Of ◽  
Apartheid Regime

Outsmarting Apartheid is an oral history of educational and cultural exchange programs conducted by the United States Government with citizens of South Africa during the apartheid period.  The “OA” collection, published in one volume by the University Press of the State University of New York in April of 2014, conveys the stories of those who administered the programs, as well as those who benefitted, during three troubled decades of South African history.  The exchanges involved some 2-3000 participants during a dark period of social unrest and institutionalized injustices. Quietly in the background, U.S. diplomats and their South African colleagues bent rules and stretched limits imposed by the apartheid regime. Collectively they played cat-and-mouse games to outsmart the regime through conniving and bravado.  The author’s year as executive director of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training (Arlington, Virginia), 2006-07, provided a methodology and archiving structure forming the basis of the interviews, conducted over a two-year period in the United States and South Africa. There was little optimism at the time for South Africa’s political or social future during the 1960-1990 period.  After Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and during his presidency of 1995-99, the country discovered rich cadres from within, of intellectuals, artists, journalists, scientists, and political leaders prepared to take on the task of constructing the New South Africa. In no small measure, these exchange programs contributed to the quick and sudden realization of suppressed wishes and aspirations for a majority of South Africa’s citizens -- of all ethnic and racial backgrounds. 

The Politics of the Spanish Language

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina A. Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Demographic Shift ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Cultural Preference ◽  
Louisiana Purchase

Language rights are an integral part of civil rights. They provide the tools that permit individuals to engage with and participate in society. The broad use of the Spanish language in the United States by both citizens and immigrants—it is the second-most-spoken language in the country by far—has a long history. Spanish was the first European governing language in parts of the future United States that included the Southwest, portions of the Louisiana Purchase, and Florida. The use of the language did not disappear when these regions became part of the United States, but rather persisted in some locales as a politically important language. In the 20th century, Spanish-speaking immigrants entered not just the Southwest and Florida, but also Chicago, New York, the South, Michigan, and other locales across the country in large numbers. Throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century, Spanish speakers and their advocates have reasserted their cultural preference by fighting for monolingual speakers’ right to use Spanish in legal settings, in public, as voters, as elected officials, at work, and in education. The politics of the Spanish language have only grown in importance as the largest influx of Spanish-speaking immigrants ever has entered the United States. This demographic shift makes the longer history of Spanish a crucial backstory for future language-policy decisions.

Mobilized by Injustice

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Personal Contact ◽  
Racial Boundaries ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Depth Interviews

Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.

The Role of Religious Value in Political Judgment

1968 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-427
Author(s):  
Quentin L. Quade
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Religious Interventions ◽  
Number Of Citations

In The issues of the New York Times from February, 1965, to November, 1967, religious leaders and groups are reported 185 times commenting on one political issue: Vietnam. If a comparable search were done on an inclusive list of political topics, such as civil rights, the number of citations would be greatly multiplied. Most of these statements are on substantive issues — the United States should do this, do that — rather than on the theoretical questions about religion's role vis à vis politics. Most of these religious interventions presume some connection between religion and politics, whether articulated or not. A similar examination of some leading religious journals, for example, Chrisianity and Crisis, Commonweal, Christian Century, America, produces similar results: in articles and editorials, such publications are deeply immersed in direct commentary on political problems of our time.

scholarly journals The colonial matrix of power: Image ontology and the question of blackness

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Itumeleng D. Mothoagae
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Black People ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global South ◽  
Black Theology ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World

The question of blackness has always featured the intersectionality of race, gender, sexuality and class. Blackness as an ontological speciality has been engaged from both the social and epistemic locations of the damnés (in Fanonian terms). It has thus sought to respond to the performance of power within the world order that is structured within the colonial matrix of power, which has ontologically, epistemologically, spatially and existentially rendered blackness accessible to whiteness, while whiteness remains inaccessible to blackness. The article locates the question of blackness from the perspective of the Global South in the context of South Africa. Though there are elements of progress in terms of the conditions of certain Black people, it would be short-sighted to argue that such conditions in themselves indicate that the struggles of blackness are over. The essay seeks to address a critique by Anderson (1995) against Black theology in the context of the United States of America (US). The argument is that the question of blackness cannot and should not be provincialised. To understand how the colonial matrix of power is performed, it should start with the local and be linked with the global to engage critically the colonial matrix of power that is performed within a system of coloniality. Decoloniality is employed in this article as an analytical tool.Contribution: The article contributes to the discourse on blackness within Black theology scholarship. It aims to contribute to the continual debates on the excavating and levelling of the epistemological voices that have been suppressed through colonial epistemological universalisation of knowledge from the perspective of the damnés.

The Congressional Black Caucus and the Closure of NASA’s Satellite Tracking Station at Hartebeesthoek, South Africa

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-180
Author(s):  
Keith Snedegar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Satellite Tracking ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Tracking Station ◽  
Minority Regime ◽  
The Impact

Keith Snedegar explores the impact of the civil rights movement on decisions related to NASA facilities outside the United States. Snedegar maintains that when Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the founders of the Black Congressional Caucus, visited the NASA satellite tracking station at Hartesbeesthoek, South Africa, in 1971, he discovered a racially segregated facility where technical jobs were reserved for white employees and black Africans essentially performed menial labor. Upon his return to the United States, the Detroit congressman embarked on a two-year struggle, first to improve workplace equity at the tracking station, and later, for the closure of the facility. NASA administration under James Fletcher was largely indifferent to demands for change at the station. It was only after Representative Charles Rangel proposed a reduction in NASA appropriations did the agency announce plans to end its working relationship with the white minority regime of South Africa. NASA’s public statements suggested that a scientific rationale lay behind the station’s eventual closure in 1975, but this episode clearly indicates that NASA was acting only under political pressure, and its management remained largely insensitive to global issues of racial equality.

Gay Reparations and Their Critics

2021 ◽  
pp. 129-148
Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
New York Times ◽  
The United States ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
New Class ◽  
Gay Community ◽  
Long Time

This chapter mentions the publication of the New York Times op-ed that calls for gay reparations in the United States, and it discusses the reactions of social conservatives to the article. It talks about homophobic individuals, who have not accepted homosexuals and gay people as human beings entitled to live their lives and deserving of civil rights, who find gay reparations an abomination. It also refers to televangelist Pat Robertson, who implied that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, were godly retaliation for abortion, homosexuality, and secularism in the United States. This chapter examines distinct arguments against gay reparations, such as the claim that it is wrong for gay rights activists to apply today’s values to acts of discrimination against the gay community that took place a long time ago. It also reviews claims that gay reparations are divisive and generate a new class of American victims.

The Snapshots of A. Thomas Nelson: A Case Study in the Preservation of Early 20th-century Vernacular Albums

Collections ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Stephanie Becker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Single Object ◽  
Critical Questions ◽  
Selection Of

Throughout the early 20th century, A. Thomas Nelson took snapshots while traveling the United States and Canada. His wife, Catherine Nelson, made a selection of these and placed them within eight photographic albums, later acquired by the George Eastman Museum in Rochester, New York. Using one of these, “Snapshots from Travels in the United States and Canada (1904–1940),” as a case study, this article explores preservation practices for early 20th-century vernacular albums. While such albums are a valuable part of any collection, they present many complex preservation challenges due to the variety of materials contained within a single object. Critical questions about cataloging, digitizing, and rehousing methods guide decisions on how to stabilize the album's fragile condition and allow for access. This case study offers insight for collection managers and archivists who find themselves caring for similar snapshot albums.

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