China Miéville

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
London School ◽  
Creative Work ◽  
Social Anthropology ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Socially Relevant ◽  
Regent's Park ◽  
Guggenheim Fellowship ◽  
The City ◽  
Socialist Politics

China Miéville is a British author and a significant writer of Fantastika fiction in the 21st century, his work showcasing a desire to write across a variety of different forms and genres. Miéville is associated with the writing of the New Weird movement, although he does not describe his work in this manner anymore. Born on 6 September 1972 in Norwich, UK, Miéville was brought up and has lived in London for much of his life. Miéville taught English in Egypt for a year before attending university. Here Miéville developed an interest in politics, especially Marxism and socialism, which continues to influence his academic life and creative work. After studying social anthropology at Cambridge, Miéville gained a master’s in 1995 and a PhD in international relations from the London School for Economics in 2001. Miéville found his own political viewpoint being drawn firmly toward Marxism due to feeling dissatisfied with the postmodern theories he was exposed to during his studies. Miéville’s first novel, King Rat, was published in 1998, but it was the following Bas-Lag trilogy (Perdido Street Station, The Scar, and Iron Council) that cemented his reputation as a writer. Miéville wrote Perdido Street Station alongside his PhD studies. His work has won many awards, including the Hugo Award for The City & The City, the Arthur C. Clarke Award an unprecedented three times, the British Fantasy Award twice, and Locus Awards four times across different categories. Miéville has been the guest of honor at multiple conventions and conferences, was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship in Fiction in 2018, and has held positions in both politics and creative writing in UK and US higher education institutions. Socialist politics is a constant theme throughout Miéville’s biography and creative work. Miéville was previously a member of the Socialist Workers Party in the United Kingdom, leaving the party in 2013 in disgust at the leadership’s attempted suppression and refusal to deal with rape allegations against a party member. He stood for election as a candidate for the Socialist Alliance in the 2001 general election for the constituency of Regent’s Park and Kensington North. Alive with creative world-building and experimental representations of monstrous bodies, Miéville’s work challenges the borders between categorization and presents genres as literary spaces that can be both politically engaging and socially relevant.

Who Publishes Where? Exploring the Geographic Diversity of Global IR Journals

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathis Lohaus ◽  
Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
North America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
English Language ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Diverse Backgrounds ◽  
Geographic Diversity ◽  
International Publishing ◽  
American Authors

Abstract To what extent is International Relations (IR) a globalized discipline? We investigate the geographic diversity of authorship in seventeen IR journals from Africa, East Asia, Europe, Latin America, North America, and the United Kingdom. Biographical records were collected for the authors of 2,362 articles published between 2011 and 2015. To interpret the data, we discuss how publishing patterns are driven by author incentives (supply) in tandem with editorial preferences and strategies (demand). Our main findings are twofold. First, global IR is fragmented and provincial. All journals frequently publish works by authors located in their own region—but the size of these local clusters varies. Geographic diversity is highest in what we identify as the “goldilocks zone” of international publishing: English-language journals that are globally visible but not so competitive that North American authors crowd out other contributions. Second, IR is being globalized through researcher mobility. Many scholars have moved to pursue their doctoral education and then publish as expats, returnees, or part of the diaspora. They are joined by academic tourists publishing in regions to which they have no obvious ties. IR journals thus feature more diverse backgrounds than it may seem at first sight, but many of these authors were educated in North America, the United Kingdom, and Europe.

The International Law Standard in the Statutes of Australia and the United Kingdom

1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 628-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Crawford
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Robert Wilson ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
International Role

In a series of articles in this Journal, Professor Robert Wilson drew attention to the incorporation of references to international law in United States statutes, a technique designed to allow recourse to international law by the courts in interpreting and implementing those statutes, and, consequently, to help ensure conformity between international and U.S. law. The purpose of this article is to survey the references, direct and indirect, to international law in the 20th-century statutes of two Commonwealth countries in order to see to what extent similar techniques have been adopted. The choice of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth of Australia as the subjects of this survey is no doubt somewhat arbitrary (although passing reference will be made to the legislation of Canada and New Zealand). But the United Kingdom, a semi-unitary state whose involvement in international relations has been substantial throughout the century, and the Commonwealth of Australia, a federal polity with substantial legislative power over foreign affairs and defense -whose international role has changed markedly since 1901, do provide useful examples of states with constitutional and legislative continuity since 1901, and (as will be seen) considerable legislative involvement in this field.

Roman Inscriptions in the City of Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery

1976 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
J. J. Wilkes
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Art Gallery ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Small Collection ◽  
The City ◽  
Second World

The nineteen stones described below form a small collection of Latin inscriptions now housed in the City of Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery. They have been acquired since the Second World War from older collections assembled at various places in the United Kingdom. With the exception of two, all are recorded as found in Rome and sixteen have been published in volume VI of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL). The findspot of one (no. 6) is not recorded, while that of another (no. 13), although not attested, was almost certainly Rome. The publications in CIL were based in most cases on manuscript copies made between the fifteenth and ninetenth centuries; in the case of eight stones this republication (nos. 2, 3, 5, 9, 11, 12, 17 and 18) provides corrections or amendments to the relevant entries in CIL. All measurements are metric.

THE CONFRONTATION OF THE PARTIES TO THE SEPARATIST CONFLICT BY MEANS OF «SOFT POWER» (ON THE EXAMPLE OF CATALONIA AND SCOTLAND)

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
E.A. TYURIN ◽  
◽  
E.N. SAVINOVA ◽  
О.V. PEREVERZEVA ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
National Level ◽  
Power Characteristic ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Legal Grounds

The article attempts to apply the concept of «soft power», characteristic of international relations, to analyze the struggle of participants in separatist conflicts at the national level. The purpose of the study is to consider the «soft power» resources and tools of each of the parties to the conflict between Catalonia and Spain and the conflict between Scotland and the United Kingdom. The main research methods are general logical, institutional and comparative. It is concluded that in the countries under consideration, in the conditions of the manifestation of separatism, the «soft power» has obvious socio-cultural, political, institutional and legal grounds. According to the authors, despite the specifics of the «soft power» confrontation, in each of the cases considered, culture in its various manifestations, image strategies of the parties to the conflict, as well as the institution of the monarchy are crucial.

scholarly journals Targeting the Unwanted: Video Surveillance and Categorical Exclusion in Oslo, Norway

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2/3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Mork Lomell
Keyword(s):  
Video Surveillance ◽  
Surveillance System ◽  
Shopping Mall ◽  
Similar Process ◽  
Organizational Relationships ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The City

The rise of video surveillance in the United Kingdom, in the form of the public installation of closed circuit television (CCTV), has been seen by several scholars as a contributing factor to the increasing exclusion of unwanted categories of people from city centers, a development often referred to as the 'commercialization' or 'purification' of the city. Drawing from field observations over three years in control rooms in Oslo, Norway, this article discusses whether CCTV systems in Oslo contribute to a similar process of exclusion. To do so, I compare the open street video surveillance system with two other CCTV systems - a shopping mall and a major transport center. The introduction of open street CCTV in Oslo in 1999 did not create social exclusion, but recent developments show the possibility remains. Although drug addicts and young people were the primary targets of surveillance in all three sites studied, ejections varied considerably from site to site. The shopping mall system had a higher ejection rate than the open street system, and was therefore the system with the clearest exclusionary effects. Reasons for the different ejection rates are discussed, in particular the social structure of the site under surveillance and the organizational relationships of CCTV operators to the policing agents connected to the surveillance system.

scholarly journals The role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system (based on the materials of new archival documents)

2020 ◽  
pp. 75-84
Author(s):  
Alexander Naumov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
World War ◽  
Systemic Mechanism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The World ◽  
Archival Documents

This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.

scholarly journals Foreign Delegations in Dnipropetrovsk City and Dnipropetrovska Oblast in 1945–1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Olga Kakovkina
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
State Archive ◽  
Central State ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
Foreign Presence ◽  
Surrounding Areas ◽  
The City

The purpose of the article is to figure out the features of a foreign presence in the city and the region during 1945–1959, its intensity and content on the example of the visit of foreign delegations – from the end of the World War II, as a result of which the political map of Europe and the world, the content of international relations have changed, to the assignment to Dnipropetrovsk the status of a conditionally closed city in August 1959, which led to the prohibition of its visit by foreigners until 1987.Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative.Main results: One of the aspects of foreign presence in the region is revealed on the example of target groups, which, as a rule, came at the invitation of public organizations, as well as certain departments. Some features of visiting the region by foreign delegations, quantitative indicators, the composition of individual groups, residence programs, service problems were identified. It was found that a certain limit in visiting foreigners to the region, as well as in the whole USSR, was 1953, when, as a result of the liberalization of the foreign policy of the Soviet leadership, the foreign presence in the region became more massive and public. Dnipropetrovsk and the surrounding areas, along with Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, were one of the visiting points. The purpose of its visits was to familiarize with the Soviet reality for the formation of a certain image of the USSR, to demonstrate the "advantages" of the Soviet model, and, therefore caused a significant ideological load of programs and strict control by the party bodies. Since the mid-1950s, with the intensive development of international economic relations in the region, primarily in heavy industry, the number of delegations with production targets had been growing. The economic component of relations dominated the tourism sector, which almost did not cover the Dnipropetrovsk region, given the formation of closed industries. In conclusion, it was noted that already at the stage of late Stalinism, the city and region were a significant part of the international presentation of the USSR and Ukraine. However, the stay of foreign groups revealed significant problems in their service due to material difficulties, lack of experience and personnel, and the specifics of organizing admissions under conditions of totalitarian state.Practical significance: the article recommended for the practice of teaching and research regional and urban history.Originality: sources that were first introduced to scientific circulation were used – the Central State Archive of the Public Organizations of Ukraine, the State Archive of the Dnipropetrovsk Region (oblastʼ) and regional periodicals of the period.Scientific novelty: the issue of the presence of foreign delegations in the Dnipropetrovsk region during 1945–1959 was considered, the problem of the place of Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnipropetrovsk in the system of international relations of Ukraine of the totalitarian period was determined.Article type: explanation.

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