Overstretching or Overreaction? China’s Rise in Latin America and the US Response

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110282
Author(s):  
Xiaoyu Pu ◽  
Margaret Myers

This article examines how the Chinese elites are interpreting China’s growing presence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region and the various ways in which the United States is responding to China’s expanding activity in the region. Some of China’s elites caution that China’s international posturing could be overly assertive. Regarding China’s growing role in the LAC, they have made a note of US sensitivities, in addition to China’s challenges and limitations in various Latin American countries. Regarding the US response, some US concerns may be legitimate, and others are less valid. Looking ahead, even though US–China interactions in the LAC will remain competitive, the US and China could potentially avoid counterproductive policies while also pursuing pragmatic co-operation. While China does not yet face a serious problem of strategic overstretching in the LAC, China’s domestic debate on the topic will provide feedback to China’s policymakers and promote fruitful China–LAC relations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 597-625
Author(s):  
Martha I. Chew Sánchez

Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.


2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.


1960 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-82
Author(s):  
W. J. Kilgore

The development of philosophical ideas in Latin America has tended to reflect the major philosophical thought in Europe. There probably has been greater interest in philosophical ideas in Latin America than in the United States. In many instances, this interest has manifested itself not in the creative development of the content of philosophy but rather in the support which philosophical positions could provide proponents of the status quo or reformers with a basis for justification of social, political, educational, economic or religious programs.There has developed in many Latin American countries during this century an increasing number of works which are concerned with the theoretical aspect of philosophy.


Author(s):  
Gisela Mateos ◽  
Edna Suárez-Díaz

On December 8, 1953, in the midst of increasing nuclear weapons testing and geopolitical polarization, United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower launched the Atoms for Peace initiative. More than a pacifist program, the initiative is nowadays seen as an essential piece in the U.S. defense strategy and foreign policy at the beginning of the Cold War. As such, it pursued several ambitious goals, and Latin America was an ideal target for most of them: to create political allies, to ease fears of the deadly atomic energy while fostering receptive attitudes towards nuclear technologies, to control and avoid development of nuclear weapons outside the United States and its allies, and to open or redirect markets for the new nuclear industry. The U.S. Department of State, through the Foreign Operations Administration, acted in concert with several domestic and foreign middle-range actors, including people at national nuclear commissions, universities, and industrial funds, to implement programs of regional technical assistance, education and training, and technological transfer. Latin American countries were classified according to their stage of nuclear development, with Brazil at the top and Argentina and Mexico belonging to the group of “countries worthy of attention.” Nuclear programs often intersected with development projects in other areas, such as agriculture and public health. Moreover, Eisenhower’s initiative required the recruitment of local actors, natural resources and infrastructures, governmental funding, and standardized (but localized techno-scientific) practices from Latin American countries. As Atoms for Peace took shape, it began to rely on newly created multilateral and regional agencies, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of the United Nations and the Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (IANEC) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Nevertheless, as seen from Latin America, the implementation of atomic energy for peaceful purposes was reinterpreted in different ways in each country. This fact produced different outcomes, depending on the political, economic, and techno-scientific expectations and interventions of the actors involved. It provided, therefore, an opportunity to create local scientific elites and infrastructure. Finally, the peaceful uses of atomic energy allowed the countries in the region to develop national and international political discourses framing the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean signed in Tlatelolco, Mexico City, in 1967, which made Latin America the first atomic weapons–free populated zone in the world.


1978 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogelio Pérez Perdomo

SummaryRogelio Pérez Perdomo is a Professor of Law at the Central University of Venezuela and an active member of the Latin American Council of Law and Development. A longstanding student of the purposes and methods of legal education, he has also made a special point to acquire knowledge about legal education in Europe and the United States.In this article Professor Pérez Perdomo discusses the inadequacies and shortcomings of the existing legal education programs in Latin America. He recognizes the growing awareness of such inadequacies on the part of many Latin American law teachers, and their dissatisfaction with the traditional systems and methods of law teaching. This dissatisfaction has generated many studies and discussions in the different Latin American countries, and it has also produced some changes and improvements. Professor Pérez Perdomo believes, however, that such changes fall significantly short of modern needs of adequate legal education. Concentrating on the situation in Venezuela, he compares it with current legal education innovations and developments in other Latin American countries, as well as in the major European countries and the United States.Professor Pérez Perdomo clearly admits his preference for further reforms of the legal education methods and programs in Venezuela (and, presumably, in other countries of Latin America). He views, however, student unrests as an invalid reason for such reforms because improvements must emerge from substantive needs rather than the temporary considerations of political expediency. Reforms must proceed from an appreciation of the true role of law and the legal profession.In a brief survey of the traditional and modern role of the law, especially its use as a vehicle for social and economic development, Professor Pérez Perdomo demonstrates the significance of their impact on legal education. Equally important, in his opinion, is the influence of foreign financial aid, e.g., the Ford Foundation, the International Legal Center, etc., which must have had a considerable impact on the emergence of new legal education trends. The effect of such influences has not yet been evaluated, but it is an important topic in any study of the effectiveness and desirability of international transfers of educational methods from one country to another. Thus, the United States legal education model encountered many difficulties in Latin America when the attempt was made to apply it there, and it can be used there only in a limited sense and in a significantly modified form.Professor Pérez Perdomo notes the following trends of legal education reform in Latin America: 1)The reorganization and “semestization” of law courses.2)The use of new teaching methods–tutorials, class discussions, working groups, and legal clinics–by various law schools in their efforts to enrich the content of their educational programs.3)The identification of the purposes and responsibilities of legal education in coordination with the general aims of law and the legal system.Professor Pérez Perdomo recognizes that many of these aspirations for reform are seriously affected by such factual limitations as, for example, the unfavorable numerical ratio of students to law faculty, inadequate teaching abilities of the professors, poverty and the small size of libraries, and the encumbersome administrative organization and fiscal procedure of universities. Despite these difficulties, Professor Pérez Perdomo is confident that the reform efforts will prevail and that many salutory improvements will eventually become evident in Latin American legal education.


Author(s):  
O. Tkach ◽  
V. Tsvykh ◽  
M. Khylko ◽  
O. Batrymenko ◽  
D. Nelipa

Formulation of the problem. The authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the oil and gas complex and their role in the foreign policy of the Latin American states, policies of the use of oil and gas resources as a tool for enhancing influence in the region, as well as the functioning of multilateral oil supply agreements. The possibilities of realization of joint energy projects in Latin America are analyzed. The presence of oil and gas in the region has always been used as a political tool. The United States' reliance on Middle Eastern oil and the carbon emissions produced by the surging demand for fossil fuels in Asia tend to dominate discussions about the role of energy in U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, the energy relationship between the United States and Latin America has perhaps become more important than other issues, as the largest share of the United States international trade and investment in the energy sector has occurred within the Western Hemisphere. Purpose of the researchis to study the role of the oil and gas complex in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The oil and gas complex plays an important role in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The Latin American energy market is quite attractive to transnational energy companies due to the huge volumes of cheap energy resources, the consumer market with growing energy demand. The energy markets of the Americas are deeply integrated. Despite the shale boom, which led to a sharp increase in U.S. oil production and a drop in imports, the United States still relies on Latin America for more than 30 percent of the oil it buys from abroad. The gas and gas complex part of the geological section is characterized by a similar lithological composition and the underlying rocks, containing oil and gas in industrial volumes. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of immigration policy strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. The article of analysis. Latin America, a growing importer of U.S. natural gas and the largest market for U.S., makes refined petroleum products, such as gasoline. American oil companies and utilities are big investors in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, helping to develop the energy resources of all those countries. In Brazil, the United States direct investment in oil and gas extraction reached $2,4 billion in 2015; in Mexico, the figure was $420 million. Washington's financing and technical cooperation programs have further helped the development of new energy resources in the region. U.S. institutions and funds back up clean energy investments and provide regulatory and technical guidance to tap the region's shale fields.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M McCourt

Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.


Author(s):  
T. Kulinich

The present article reviews the current set of interests of the United States of America in respect of Latin American countries. The author believes that the key groups of interests pursued by the US in Latin America are as follows: political and security interests, economic interests, and combined interests, the most important of the latter being the interests relating to combating drug trafficking. The author believes that the economic interest, albeit being a secondary one in terms of formal hierarchy of interests, is in fact one of the core US interests in the region at present. The US is interested to preserve its influence upon the Latin American market, and further engage the Latin American workforce and industrial capacities to the benefit of the US economy. The US pursues its interests in Latin America, inter alia, through various integration projects, including NAFTA, CAFTA-DR, FTAA, and a range of free trade areas. The article also addresses the interest of the US in the field of prevention of drug trafficking, which constitutes an important area of cooperation between the US and the Latin American countries concerned. The author argues that, despite the fact that the current outcomes of the ongoing war on drugs may be perceived as controversial, the issue in question serves as a strong factor contributing to the growth of the US influence over, and its presence within, the region. The article also reviews key methods used by the US to further its interests in Latin America, including the classical methods and those relating to soft power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S674-S674
Author(s):  
Andrew S Handel ◽  
Harriet Hellman ◽  
Egar Flores ◽  
Christy Beneri

Abstract Background Approximately 300,00 individuals in the United States are estimated to have Chagas disease. To date, only one seroprevalence study in the US has included children. Diagnosis during childhood prevents irreversible sequelae and is better tolerated than during adulthood. Seropositive children may be difficult to identify, as those infected vertically may have never visited an endemic region. We sought to identify children with Chagas disease through a pilot study of serology and risk factors. Methods Participants were recruited from Stony Brook University Hospital (SBUH) or an ambulatory pediatric office, both in Suffolk County, New York (population: 1,476,000; 20.2% Hispanic or Latino). Study participants were 1 - 25 years old, resided in Suffolk County, and either the child and/or the child’s mother was born in or had long-term residence (≥ 3 years) in Latin America. T. cruzi serum IgG was determined with a Chagatest ELISA (Weiner Lab) or a Chagas Detect Plus Rapid Test (InBios). Positive screens were confirmed with a second serologic test at the CDC. Participants completed a survey of demographics and Chagas disease knowledge and risk factors, in English or Spanish. Descriptive statistics were applied. SBUH IRB provided study approval. Results We enrolled 93 children (Table 1). Three (3.2%) had a positive IgG screen, of which only one had a confirmed infection (1.1%). This was a 17-year-old who had lived in a rural adobe home and moved to the US at 8 years old. No children or their mothers recalled being bitten by or seeing triatomine insects in their Latin American homes. Of 27 children whose mothers had been screened for infection, 13 were born to 3 mothers with confirmed Chagas disease; all 13 children were seronegative. Of 8 participants reporting other family members with Chagas disease, all were seronegative. Demographics of 93 participants screened for Chagas disease SD standard deviation; US: United States Conclusion Without reliable tools for identifying those at greatest risk of Chagas disease, universal screening of children born in high-risk Latin American regions remains a reasonable strategy. In addition, screening mothers born in Latin America is likely a more cost-efficient means to evaluate second-generation children. A tremendous knowledge gap of pediatric Chagas disease in the US remains. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document