Mass Supervision

2019 ◽  
pp. 82-98
Author(s):  
Joel Andreas
Keyword(s):  

Chapter 4 examines the Four Cleans movement (1962–1966), the largest and most protracted campaign carried out to that point to mobilize “supervision from below” of party cadres. Supervision from below had been hindered by the Communist Party’s inclination to tightly control all aspects of participation as it was impossible for workers to effectively play their role if they did not have a degree of autonomy from the factory cadres they were expected to supervise. Mao attempted to mitigate this problem by sending in teams of outside party cadres to organize workers to criticize factory party leaders. The Four Cleans campaign was effective in combatting corruption but less effective in dealing with Mao’s main concern—the transformation of the party officialdom into a privileged “bureaucratic class” unaccountable to their subordinates. Dissatisfaction with the results led Mao to launch a much more radical attempt to introduce autonomy into mass supervision.

Author(s):  
Michael Laver ◽  
Ernest Sergenti

This chapter extends the survival-of-the-fittest evolutionary environment to consider the possibility that new political parties, when they first come into existence, do not pick decision rules at random but instead choose rules that have a track record of past success. This is done by adding replicator-mutator dynamics to the model, according to which the probability that each rule is selected by a new party is an evolving but noisy function of that rule's past performance. Estimating characteristic outputs when this type of positive feedback enters the dynamic model creates new methodological challenges. The simulation results show that it is very rare for one decision rule to drive out all others over the long run. While the diversity of decision rules used by party leaders is drastically reduced with such positive feedback in the party system, and while some particular decision rule is typically prominent over a certain period of time, party systems in which party leaders use different decision rules are sustained over substantial periods.


Author(s):  
Michael Laver ◽  
Ernest Sergenti

This chapter attempts to develop more realistic and interesting models in which the set of competing parties is a completely endogenous output of the process of party competition. It also seeks to model party competition when different party leaders use different decision rules in the same setting by building on an approach pioneered in a different context by Robert Axelrod. This involves long-running computer “tournaments” that allow investigation of the performance and “robustness” of decision rules in an environment where any politician using any rule may encounter an opponent using either the same decision rule or some quite different rule. The chapter is most interested in how a decision rule performs against anything the competitive environment might throw against it, including agents using decision rules that are difficult to anticipate and/or comprehend.


Author(s):  
Leah Wright Rigueur

This chapter studies how, as the 1970s progressed, black Republicans were able to claim clear victories in their march toward equality: the expansion of the National Black Republican Council (NBRC); the incorporation of African Americans into the Republican National Committee (RNC) hierarchy; scores of black Republicans integrating state and local party hierarchies; and individual examples of black Republican success. African American party leaders could even point to their ability to forge a consensus voice among the disparate political ideas of black Republicans. Despite their ideological differences, they collectively rejected white hierarchies of power, demanding change for blacks both within the Grand Old Party (GOP) and throughout the country. Nevertheless, black Republicans quickly realized that their strategy did not reform the party institution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Whedy Prasetyo

Development of financial performance in the application of Good Corporate Governance and Corporate Social Responsibility which affects the values of honesty private individuals, in order to be able to run the accountability, value for money, fairness in financial management, transparency, control, and free of conflicts of interest (independence). The main concern in this study is focused on achieving value personal spirituality through the financial performance and capabilities of Good Corporate Governance (GCG) and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in moderating the relationship with the financial performance of value personal spirituality. This study is a descriptive verifikatif. The unit of analysis in this study was 15 companies in Indonesia with a policy that has been applied through the concept since January of 2008 until now, with the support of the annual report of the company, the company's financial statements, company reports to the disclosure of Good Corporate Governance and Corporate Social Responsibility in the annual report. Overall reports published successively during the years 2008-2011. The results of this study indicate financial performance affects the value of personal spirituality, and for variable GCG obtained results that could moderate the relationship of financial performance to the value of personal spirituality. But for the disclosure of CSR variables obtained results can’t moderate the relationship with the financial performance of personal spirituality.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-50
Author(s):  
Senka Ena Majetic

Abstract - It is widely accepted among feminists that feminism implies a distinctive approach to inquiry. And for some this is not just a matter of the grounds on which topics are selected for investigation, or even of the theoretical ideas that are treated as relevant. Rather, feminism is taken to carry distinctive methodological and epistemological implications (Hammersley, 1995: 45). In this paper I want to assess the arguments for a distinctively feminist methodology. My first task, though, is to provide some detail about what this is taken to entail. There are, of course, important differences among feminists who have written on this topic, and in the course of the discussion I will highlight some of these. I certainly do not want to suggest that what I am assessing is a single position, nor am I claiming to represent the basis on which most feminists actually do research. My main concern here is solely with feminist writing about methodology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-119
Author(s):  
Michal Kubát ◽  
Maciej Hartliński

AbstractThe aim of this article is to analyse the role and importance of leaders in the Czech populist parties and movements, as well as determining significant factors which condition their institutionalisation. The main focus will be placed on the role of leaders in establishing their respective parties, their formal position and intraparty selection processes in VV, ANO, SPD and ÚPD. Examples of actions taken by the leaders of ANO and SPD show that building populist parties on the foundation of the strong, formal and official position of the leader in their party as well as becoming open to more members prove effective when it comes to the discussed issues...


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60
Author(s):  
Gregor Zons ◽  
Anna Halstenbach

AbstractDespite its right-wing populist character, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) shows no signs of a strong party leadership. We ascribe this state of the party leadership to the AfD’s institutionalization as a new party and show how organizational features interact with the skill set and goals of the party leaders. At the party level, we, firstly, outline the organizational change at the top of the party and the party leader selection rules. Secondly, we depict leadership turnover and competitiveness. At the leader level, we investigate the failure of Bernd Lucke, the key founder and one of the initial party leaders, as a manifestation of the leadership-structure dilemma of new parties. Embedded in a leadership team and faced with a growing extra-parliamentary party structure, Lucke tried to secure his initial autonomy and position of power by an attempt to become the sole party leader. His subsequent exit from the AfD laid bare the fact that he was not able to manage the challenges of the organizational consolidation phase, in which a new party needs a coordinator and consensus-builder. The AfD itself has proven its organizational autonomy from its initial leaders and its distaste for a strong and centralized party leadership. The barriers for the latter remain in place while, at the same time, the party institutionalization is still on-going, especially regarding its place in the German party competition.


1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-222
Author(s):  
Khwaja Sarmad

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established In 1967 as a loosely structured inter-governmental organization, which provided a framework for discussing problems that required a regional solution. For a long time, the reduction of regional political tensions remained the main concern of ASEAN. Serious efforts towards promoting intra-regional co-operation began in 1976 with emphasis on trade liberalization and industrial co-operation. But apart from a few cases, involving the regional economies and collective external bargaining, the record of economic co-operation has been poor, because of different levels of economic development of the member countries, mutually competitive exports.. inward• looking industrial policies and heavy dependence on the industrialized countries for investment, technology and trade. So far, there have been only three intra-ASEAN agreements to promote market sharing and a pooling of resources: the preferential trade arrangements, the industrial complementation agreement, designed to develop links in certain industries to achieve greater economies of scale, and the industrial joint venture agreement, which provides preferential treatment for products of joint ventures involving the companies of at least two ASEAN member countries. However the joint venture scheme has had only limited success because of delays in implementation, while the scope of the preferential trading arrangements has been limited by the consensus approach in solving outstanding issues and by the concern of higher-tariff member countries to protect domestic production and employment. As a result, tariffs have been reduced only on intra-regional trade of selected non-sensitive items. Most of the items covered in the preferential trade agreements have low trade content and minimal trade potential. The arrangements have also been difficult to manage because of problems of administering the rules of origin.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Bullock

This paper outlines some of the challenges that prevent Muslim women from becoming full members of the Ummah. Although we often hear of the rights of"women in ]slam'' in the abstract,1 we must know the specifics to improve the lives of Muslim women in reality. This paper tries to provide those specifics. It does not analyze the items, since the issues covered are many and disparate; rather, it simply highlights some concerns so that qual­ified practitioners can discuss and debate remedies. The bulk of this paper's main concern is to address some of the obstacles that hamper efforts to alleviate these challenges. The first section presents the list of challenges, while the second sec­tion discusses these obstacles. The paper concludes with a series of proposals intended to assuage the listed problems. Therefore, its focus is on more broad-based remedies rather than a specific remedy for a specific problem. The paper's underlying assump­tions are that women should be fully included in the Ummah and that this is not the case now. To make this clear, a definition of "full inclusion in the Ummah" is given before the paper proceeds to listing the challenges ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (01) ◽  
pp. 723-733
Author(s):  
Hairuddin Safaat ◽  
Tn. Jumadil

The needs of nurses who have the category of "good citizen" is the main concern that can not be ignored by management because it will have a positive impact on the organization.The purpose of this research is to analyze the influence of workload, job satisfaction and organizational commitment to Organizational Citizenship Behavior nurses. The research involved 104 implementer nurses. Data excavation techniques used questionnaires and interviews. Data were analyzed by regression analysis, t test, F test and coefficient of determination.The result of the research at the 5% significance level shows that: Workload has positive effect not significant to OCB nurse (regression coefficient: 0.116, p value: 0.245). The variables that give positive and significant influence to the nurse OCB are job satisfaction (regression coefficient: 0,226 and p value: 0,022) and organizational commitment (regression coefficient: 0,253 and p value: 0,012). Workload, job satisfaction and organizational commitment simultaneously give positive and significant influence to OCB nurse (F arithmetic: 4.836) with sig value: 0,003). Organizational commitment was the most dominant variable significantly influence the organizational citizenship behavior of nurses in the context of nurses in Batara Guru regional hospital, Luwu regency. Keywords : Work load, job satisfaction, organizational commitment, Organizational Citizenship Behavior


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