Introduction

Author(s):  
Xiaoxuan Wang

On April 28, 2014, before dawn, hundreds of armed police descended on the vicinity of Sanjiang Protestant Church in Yongjia, which sits across Ou River from downtown Wenzhou. The police cut off cell phone signals and dispersed a small number of Protestants who had stayed to defend the church, which the government had declared an “unlawful building.” By evening, heavy bulldozers had completely leveled the church, which had taken ten years to build. As global media watched the standoff unfold on site, the demolition put an end to a month-long vigil at Sanjiang Church, which at its height allegedly included as many as several thousand Protestant protesters from the Wenzhou region and beyond. The demolition was followed by a province-wide “Three Rectifications and One Demolition” (...

1990 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. Podmore

Most Anglican crises, including recent ones, seem to boil down in the end to two linked questions — those of identity and authority. Is the Church of England pre-eminently a national or a catholic Church, a Protestant Church (and if so, of what kind?) or Anglican and sui generis? With which of these types of Church should it align itself? Where lies the famed via media, and which are the extremes to be avoided? And who has the authority to decide: as a national Church, parliament, the government, the monarch personally; as an episcopal Church, the bishops? Or should the clergy in convocations (or, latterly, the General Synod, including representatives of the pious laity) take decisions? Anglican crises have always raised these twin problems of identity and authority. In the mid-eighteenth century — from the end of the 1730s and particularly in the 1740s — the Church of England faced another crisis. The Anglican bishops had to come to terms with the movement known as the ‘evangelical revival’. Principles had to be applied to a new situation. The bishops had to decide how to categorise the new societies (or would they become new churches?) which were springing up all over England.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (s1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elysabeth Sinulingga ◽  
Agung Waluyo

Background: Karo District is one of the districts in North Sumatera province where from 2016 to 2018 the number of HIV sufferers increased dramatically to 384 people and then it increased to 775 people up to September 2020. The aim of this study was to explore the experiences of people with HIV/AIDS and the experiences of the church members regarding people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA).Design and Methods: Qualitative research design with descriptive phenomenology approach. Data collection was carried out by interviewing 34 participants in Karo District. The data analysis in this study used the Collaizi technique.Results: Five themes were obtained from the results of the study, namely the responses of the participants diagnosed with HIV/AIDS, health problems faced by PLWHA, stigma and discrimination, the support of family and church members given to PWLHA, and family/church members' expectations toward PLWHA.Conclusions: Based on the findings of the themes, the role of the National AIDS Commission of Moderamen Karo Batak Protestant Church (GBKP) in responding to HIV and AIDS cannot be optimally implemented because of some obstacles namely, localization which is a determinant of the spread of cases, the unavailability of service and ARV in all health centers, lack of sectoral cross-cooperation, very insufficient financial support from the government, the role of nurses played only in the hospitals and the stigmatism to those people with HIV/AIDS due to lack of knowledge of HIV and AIDS.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 258
Author(s):  
Mery Kolimon

Recalling the Reformation movement of five hundred years ago provides us, the Churches throughout the world, with an opportunity to undertake a critical reflection on the meaning of the Reformation for us. In the Indonesian context, in particular relating to the relationship between Church and State, and the function of the Church in politics, we can learn from the legacy of John Calvin. This Reformation figure underlined the importance of separating the function of Church officials from that of State officials. Church pastors/ shepherds are responsible for taking care of the spiritual needs and the education of God’s people so that they can participate in politics as a faith responsibility. This is a duty that needs to be carried out with full commitment. Meanwhile the government and politicians work for the wellbeing of the people in the civic and governance spheres. Church and State have their own particular spheres of operation that should never be confused. <b>Keywords:</b> John Calvin, the reforms, ecclesiastical office, a Protestant church, politics, Indonesia ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Memperingati lima ratus tahun gerakan Reformasi memberikan kepada kita, Gereja-gereja di seluruh dunia, kesempatan untuk melakukan refleksi kritis atas makna Reformasi bagi kita. Dalam konteks Indonesia, khususnya berkaitan dengan hubungan antara Gereja dan Negara, dan fungsi Gereja dalam politik, kita bisa belajar dari warisan Yohanes Calvin. Reformasi ini menggarisbawahi pentingnya pemisahan fungsi jabatan Gereja dari jabatan Negara. Para gembala bertanggung jawab mengurusi kebutuhan spiritual dan pendidikan umat Allah sehingga mereka dapat berpartisipasi dalam politik sebagai tanggung jawab iman. Ini adalah tugas yang perlu dilakukan dengan komitmen penuh. Sementara itu, pemerintah dan politisi bekerja untuk kesejahteraan rakyat di bidang sipil dan pemerintahan. Gereja dan Negara masing-masing memiliki bidang khusus yang tidak boleh saling berebutan satu sama lain. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> Yohanes Calvin, reformasi, jabatan gerejawi, gereja Protestan, politik, Indonesia


2007 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 252-262
Author(s):  
Philip Broadhead

The Protestant Reformation was the largest and most sustained challenge to authority ever experienced within the western Church. It involved a repudiation of existing teachings and forms of worship, along with a rejection, even a demonization, of the clergy and ecclesiastical hierarchy. From the 1520s a number of evangelical Churches developed which were often as hostile to each other as they were to the Catholic Church, and, as a result of polemical public discussions over competing teachings and beliefs, it was no longer clear to many people what constituted the Church or who should exercise authority over religious life. Some were led to question whether there was any need for a Church which imposed dogma and religious discipline on all people within a community or country. It is the discussion on the role and powers of the visible Church which will be examined here, by focusing on the city of Augsburg, but doing so through two significant writings by Martin Bucer, the leading theologian of the Protestant Church in Strasbourg. Recent research has added to our awareness of Bucer’s understanding of the relationship between Church and community, and this contribution will provide insight into how the views of Bucer impacted upon the debate on religious separatism which was taking place in Strasbourg, Augsburg and elsewhere in Germany. They show that even after Bucer had persuaded the government of his own city to expel religious radicals, he continued to believe that support for separatist and spiritualist ideas constituted a substantial challenge to the establishment of disciplined Protestant Churches.


Author(s):  
Rosamund Oates

Tobie Matthew (c.1544–1628) lived through the most turbulent times of the English Church. Born during the reign of Henry VIII, he saw Edward VI introduce Protestantism, and then watched as Mary I violently reversed her brother’s changes. When Elizabeth I came to the throne in 1558, Matthew rejected his family’s Catholicism to join the fledgling Protestant regime. Over the next sixty years, he helped build a Protestant Church in England under Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I. Rising through the ranks of the Church, he was Archbishop of York in the charged decades leading up to the British Civil Wars. Here was a man who played a pivotal role in the religious politics of Tudor and Stuart England, and nurtured a powerful strain of Puritanism at the heart of the established Church....


Author(s):  
Dalmacito A Cordero

Abstract Culture is a way of life. A recent correspondence emphasizes that it is a contributory factor in combatting the COVID-19 pandemic, and this must be considered by each government around the world. However, I argue that various elements in culture do not need to stop or else it will create public outrage. I therefore propose a win–win solution for both parties with the inclusion of the church that can serve as a framework for the sake of public health. It is primarily based on a kind of behavior that is needed to be embodied by the involved groups—‘supportive’ government, ‘creative’ church and an ‘adaptive’ public. These essential behaviors of all groups are possible to embody for a successful implementation of public health.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Madalena Meyer Resende ◽  
Anja Hennig

The alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government has been widely reported and resulted in significant benefits for the Church. However, beginning in mid-2016, the top church leadership, including the Episcopal Conference, has distanced itself from the government and condemned its use of National Catholicism as legitimation rhetoric for the government’s malpractices in the fields of human rights and democracy. How to account for this behavior? The article proposes two explanations. The first is that the alliance of the PiS with the nationalist wing of the Church, while legitimating its illiberal refugee policy and attacks on democratic institutions of the government, further radicalized the National Catholic faction of the Polish Church and motivated a reaction of the liberal and mainstream conservative prelates. The leaders of the Episcopate, facing an empowered and radical National Catholic faction, pushed back with a doctrinal clarification of Catholic orthodoxy. The second explanatory path considers the transnational influence of Catholicism, in particular of Pope Francis’ intervention in favor of refugee rights as prompting the mainstream bishops to reestablish the Catholic orthodoxy. The article starts by tracing the opposition of the Bishops Conference and liberal prelates to the government’s refugee and autocratizing policies. Second, it describes the dynamics of the Church’s internal polarization during the PiS government. Third, it traces and contextualizes the intervention of Pope Francis during the asylum political crisis (2015–2016). Fourth, it portrays their respective impact: while the Pope’s intervention triggered the bishops’ response, the deepening rifts between liberal and nationalist factions of Polish Catholicism are the ground cause for the reaction.


2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Vorster ◽  
J.H. Van Wyk

Church and government within a constitutional state. The prophetic calling of the church towards the South-African government With the transition to a new political dispensation in South Africa, a constitutional state has been established. A typical characteristic of this new dispensation is that the government remains neutral while the executive powers are subject to the Bill of Human Rights. The question of how the church can realize its prophetic task towards the government within the context of a constitutional state is highlighted in this article. The central theoretical argument is that a constitutional state that acknowledges fundamental rights provides an excellent opportunity for the church to fulfil its prophetic calling within the South African context. The church can contribute to a just society by prophetic testimony within the perspective of the kingdom of God.


1989 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-381
Author(s):  
Arthur R. Liebscher

To the dismay of today's social progressives, the Argentine Catholic church addresses the moral situation of its people but also shies away from specific political positions or other hint of secular involvement. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the church set out to secure its place in national leadership by strengthening religious institutions and withdrawing clergy from politics. The church struggled to overcome a heritage of organizational weakness in order to promote evangelization, that is, to extend its spiritual influence within Argentina. The bishop of the central city of Córdoba, Franciscan Friar Zenón Bustos y Ferreyra (1905-1925), reinforced pastoral care, catechesis, and education. After 1912, as politics became more heated, Bustos insisted that priests abstain from partisan activities and dedicate themselves to ministry. The church casts itself in the role of national guardian, not of the government, but of the faith and morals of the people.


1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
B.D. John Willcock

The idea that at the Restoration the Government of Charles II. wantonly attacked a Church that otherwise would have remained at peace and in the enjoyment of hardly-won liberties is not in accordance with facts. The Church was divided into two warring factions—that of the Remonstrants or Protesters and that of the Resolutioners. The former were the extreme Covenant party and had as their symbol the Remonstrance of the Western army after the Battle of Dunbar, in which they refused to fight any longer in the cause of Charles II. The Resolutioners were the more moderate party, which accepted him as a Covenanted King, and they derived their name from their support of certain Resolutions passed in the Parliament and General Assembly for the admission of Royalists to office under certain conditions. The Protesters—who numbered perhaps about a third of the Presbyterian clergy—claimed, probably not without reason, to be more religious than their opponents. They were very eager to purge the Church of all those whose opinions they regarded as unsatisfactory, and to fill up vacant charges with those who uttered their shibboleths. In their opposition to the King they naturally drew somewhat closely into sympathy with the party of Cromwell, though, with the fatal skill in splitting hairs which has afflicted so many of their nation, they were able to differentiate their political principles from what they called ‘English errors.’ The Resolutioners, on the other hand, adhered steadily to the cause of Charles II., and came under the disfavour of the Government of the Commonwealth for their sympathy with the insurrection under Glencairn and Middleton which had been so troublesome to the English authorities.


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