‘The Manifold Divinity of the Gods’

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-106
Author(s):  
Mattias P. Gassman

The idea of a unified ‘paganism’ is usually taken to be an intentional Christian distortion of the true diversity of ancient polytheism. This chapter presents a different view. Inscriptions recorded by antiquarians and archaeologists at Rome since the fifteenth century document fourth-century senators’ participation in a vast range of priesthoods and mystery initiations. These inscriptions include epitaphs, senatorial résumés, and especially altars commemorating performance of the taurobolium, a sacrifice of a bull to the Magna Mater. The (admittedly fragmentary) evidence reveals a philosophical theology that united all the gods into a single divine reality. It also suggests, contrary to recent scholarship, that the senators’ religious involvement was driven by a desire not just for personal prestige but also (and sometimes more important) for divine favour and mystical insights. When this polytheistic religiosity is set alongside the polemical ‘paganism’ of Firmicus Maternus and ‘Ambrosiaster’, a new picture takes shape. The Christian polemicists’ sharp opposition between ‘pagans’ and ‘Christians’ is an oversimplification of a religious situation whose tensions were generally less overt. Nevertheless, the idea of ‘paganism’ is not polemical invention but a Christian theorisation of a prominent contemporary approach to polytheism.

2010 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine M. Chin

The late ancient body is a historiographical problem. In the combined lights of feminist, Foucaultian, and post-Foucaultian methodologies, much recent scholarship on bodies in late antiquity has focused on bodies as sites on which power relations are enacted and as discourses through which ideologies are materialized. Contemporary concern with definitions and representations of the posthuman, however—for example, in medical technologies that expand the capacities of particular human bodies, in speculative pursuit of the limits of avatars, or in the technological pursuit of artificial intelligence or artificial life—seem both to underline the fundamental lability of the body, and to require a broadening of scholarly focus beyond the traditional visible boundaries of the human organism. At the same time, scholarship on the posthuman emphasizes contemporaneity and futurity to an extent that may seem to preclude engagement with the premodern. I would like to suggest here that doubt about the boundaries of human embodiment is a useful lens through which to reconsider some very traditional questions in the history of Christianity, and that we may begin to think of bodies in Christian premodernity in terms of what we might call their pre-humanity, that is, as fundamentally open to extension, transformation, and multiple instantiation. The figure on whom I focus is Ambrose, the fourth-century bishop of Milan, who, I argue, defined his own body in such a way that he was able to instantiate physically in dozens of living human bodies, at least two dead human bodies, thousands of angelic bodies, and four church buildings. Ambrose's dynamic conception of his episcopal body was formed within a complex political and theological situation, so questions concerning the political ideology of bodies remain very much at issue. I add to these questions a concern for premodern uncertainty about how to recognize a body, both when it is visible and, perhaps more importantly, when it is not.


2007 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-723
Author(s):  
Christine Shepardson

Scholars have long recognized that the theological arguments of Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Gregory of Nyssa against their opponent Eunomius helped to shape the development of Christian orthodoxy, and thus Christian self-definition, in the late fourth-century Roman Empire. The cultural and theological significance of the strong anti-Judaizing rhetoric contained within these Cappadocian authors’ anti-Eunomian treatises, however, remains largely unexamined. Recent scholarship has demonstrated the critical role of anti-Judaizing rhetoric in the arguments that early Christian leaders Athanasius of Alexandria and Ephrem of Nisibis used against “Arian” Christian opponents in the middle of the fourth century, and the implications of this rhetoric for understanding early Christian-Jewish and intra-Christian relations. Scholars have yet to recognize, however, that anti-Judaizing rhetoric similarly helped to define the terms and consequences of the anti-Eunomian arguments made by Basil, Gregory, and Gregory in the decades that followed. The anti-Judaizing rhetoric of their texts attests to the continuing advantages that these leaders gained by rhetorically associating their Christian opponents with Jews. By claiming that Eunomius and his followers were too Jewish in their beliefs to be Christian, and too Christian in their behaviors to be Jewish, Basil, Gregory, and Gregory deployed anti-Judaizing rhetoric to argue that Eunomians were significantly inferior to both true Christians and Jews. The Cappadocians’ strategic comparisons with Jews and Judaism rhetorically distanced their Eunomian opponents from Christianity and thus strengthened the Cappadocians’ own claims to represent Christian orthodoxy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 471-498
Author(s):  
Jesse Hoover

Abstract The final form of the Martyrdom of Polycarp has often been dated to the late fourth century on the basis of an alleged link between the “Pionius” who edited its final colophon and the anonymous author of a clearly apocryphal Life of Polycarp. In this article, I argue that the correlation between these two texts is problematic at best and should be discarded in light of recent scholarship. To replace this outdated construct, I submit that the variant Moscow colophon manuscript tradition, generally considered the latest edition of the text, betrays traces of an earlier polemical milieu that may allow us to redate the colophon to the third or early fourth century.


Author(s):  
John Peter Kenney

Early Christian writers used terminology and ideas drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophical literature in their theological writings, and some early Christians also engaged in more formal philosophical reflection. The term ‘patristic philosophy’ covers all of these activities by the ‘fathers’ (patres) of the Church. The literature of nascent Christianity thus contains many concepts drawn from Graeco-Roman philosophy, and this early use of classical ideas by prominent Christians provided an authoritative sanction for subsequent philosophical discussion and elaboration. Early Christians were drawn to philosophy for many reasons. Philosophy held a pre-eminent place in the culture of the late Hellenistic and Roman world. Its schools provided training in logical rigour, systematic accounts of the cosmos and directions on how to lead a good and happy life. While philosophical movements of the period, such as Neoplatonism or Stoicism, varied widely in their doctrines, most presented accounts of reality that included some representation of the divine. These rationally articulated accounts established the theological and ethical discourse of Graeco-Roman culture. As such, philosophy had a natural appeal to Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian thinkers. It provided a ready language in which to refine ideas about the God of the ancient Hebrew scriptures, and to elaborate the trinitarian God of Christianity. It also helped to bring conceptual coherence to the ideas found in the scriptures of both religions. Finally, it provided the common intellectual discourse that those communities required in order to present their central tenets to the majority culture of the Roman empire. To a considerable extent, the notion of ‘philosophy’ suggested to the ancients a way of life as much as an intellectual discipline. This too drew Christians to the teachings of the philosophers. While there were doctrines and prescriptions of behaviour specific to the major schools, philosophers in general tended to advocate an ethically reflective and usually rather ascetic life, one which conjoined intellectual with moral discipline. This ethical austerity was prized by early Christians as an allied phenomenon within Graeco-Roman culture to which they could appeal in debates about the character of their new movement. The tacit validation that philosophy offered to the Christian movement was thus multifaceted, and, while it was sometimes thought to be associated with unacceptable aspects of pagan religious culture, philosophy provided some educated Christians with a subtle social warrant for their new life and beliefs. It should be noted that ancient Christianity was itself a complex movement. Like Graeco-Roman philosophy, Christianity included a broad spectrum of beliefs and practices. Thus those early Christians who developed their beliefs with reference to philosophy endorsed a wide range of metaphysical and ethical doctrines, ranging from materialism to extreme transcendentalism, from asceticism to spiritual libertinism. Yet, while diversity is evident, it is also true that the Christian movement came to develop a rough set of central beliefs and some early forms of community organization associated with those beliefs. This incipient ‘orthodoxy’ came to value some sorts of philosophy, especially Platonism, which seemed best suited to its theological agenda. This tacit alliance with Platonism was fraught with ambiguity and uncertainty, and it was never a reciprocal relationship. Nonetheless, in the second and third centuries a type of Christian philosophical theology emerged which owed much to the Platonic school and became increasingly dominant among orthodox Christian authors. It was this trajectory that defined the character of patristic philosophy. Early Christian thought had its origins in Hellenistic Judaism, and its initial character was defined by the dominant patterns of that tradition. This early phase extended through the first half of the second century ad, as Christianity began to define its distinctive themes associated with the nature and historical mission of Jesus Christ. Throughout the second century, Christianity became increasingly a movement made up of gentile converts; some of these new members had educations that had included philosophy and a few were even trained as philosophers. Thus Christian thought began to show increased contact with the Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, a trend no doubt reinforced by the critical need for Christians – as a proscribed religious minority – to defend their theology, ritual practices and ethics in the face of cultural and legal hostility. This so-called ‘age of the apologists’ lasted throughout the second and third centuries, until Christianity began to enjoy toleration early in the fourth century. However, it would be a mistake to consider Christian philosophical thought in that period as primarily directed towards the surrounding pagan society. In many respects philosophy, as the intellectual discourse of Graeco-Roman culture, offered gentile Christians a means to clarify, articulate and assimilate the tenets of their new faith. This process of intellectual appropriation appears to have been of considerable personal importance to many Graeco-Roman converts. Christian philosophical theology helped them to recover ideas familiar from their school training and to find unfamiliar concepts defended with the rigour much prized within Graeco-Roman culture. After Christianity became a licit religion in the fourth century, philosophical activity among Christians expanded. The task of theological self-articulation became increasingly significant as Christianity grew in the fourth and fifth centuries towards majority status within the Empire, with imperial support. In this later period the range and sophistication of Christian thought increased significantly, due in part to the influence of pagan Neoplatonism, a movement that included a number of the finest philosophers active since the classical period of Plato and Aristotle. Later patristic philosophy had a defining influence upon medieval Christian thought through such figures as Augustine and Dionysius the pseudo-Areopagite, establishing both the conceptual foundations and the authoritative warrant for the scholasticism of the Latin West and Greek East.


2018 ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Raphael A. Cadenhead

In order to counter some of the anachronisms in recent scholarship on Gregory (as outlined in the introduction), the prelude attends to Gregory’s historical context by situating his thinking within the late antique milieu. It begins with an overview of the ecclesio-political context in the aftermath of Constantine’s conversion and considers how the incorporation of the church into imperial life may have inflected Gregory’s ascetic theory. The prelude also explores the burgeoning monastic movement in the late fourth century as well as the ascetical prestige of Gregory’s family.


Author(s):  
Mattias P. Gassman

Worshippers of the Gods Worshippers of the Gods tells how the Latin writers who witnessed the political and social rise of Christianity rethought the role of traditional religion in the empire and city of Rome. In parallel with the empire’s legal Christianisation, it traces changing attitudes toward paganism from the last empire-wide persecution of Christians under the Tetrarchy to the removal of state funds from the Roman cults in the early 380s. Influential recent scholarship has seen Christian polemical literature—a crucial body of evidence for late antique polytheism—as an exercise in Christian identity-making. In response, Worshippers of the Gods argues that Lactantius, Firmicus Maternus, Ambrosiaster, and Ambrose offered substantive critiques of traditional religion shaped to their political circumstances and to the preoccupations of contemporary polytheists. By bringing together this polemical literature with imperial laws, pagan inscriptions, and the letters and papers of the senator Symmachus, Worshippers of the Gods reveals the changing horizons of Roman thought on traditional religion in the fourth century. Through its five interlocking case studies, it shows how key episodes in the Empire’s religious history—the Tetrarchic persecution, Constantine’s adoption of Christianity, the altar of Victory affair, and the ‘disestablishment’ of the Roman cults—shaped contemporary conceptions of polytheism. It also argues that the idea of a unified ‘paganism’, often seen as a capricious invention by Christian polemicists, actually arose as a Christian response to the eclectic, philosophical polytheism in vogue at Rome.


Vivarium ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-84
Author(s):  
David Albertson

Abstract An anonymous manuscript from the fourteenth or early fifteenth century, recently discovered, apparently transmitted Thierry of Chartres’s philosophical theology to Nicholas of Cusa around 1440. Yet the author of the treatise is not endorsing Thierry’s views, as both Cusanus and modern readers have assumed, but in fact is writing in order to refute them. Curiously the author never mentions Thierry’s best known triad of unitas, aequalitas and conexio. But a careful comparison of the structure of the author’s argument to Thierry’s extant works shows that the author was nevertheless quite familiar with the Breton master’s writings. The reatise’s author offers an incisive critique of Thierry’s theory of “four modes of being” and rejects two of the modes in particular. From this new perspective, the manuscript can be valued as the first known evidence of Thierry of Chartres’s late medieval reception.


1972 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 311-320
Author(s):  
R. F. Zobel

Modern ship routing is a matter for specialist forecasters using a mass of meteorological observations processed by large, high-speed electronic computers, as will appear below.Historically, some form of routing has been practised for centuries as the result of observations made by navigators and explorers as they gradually laid bare the geography of the earth's oceans and continents.It cannot be known whether the very early navigators followed routes based on weather considerations, but they may have done so in limited areas of the globe. There is some reason to suppose that the Atlantic islands and even perhaps the West Indies were known to the Phoenicians. Legends which suggest this are supported by the finding of a stock of fourth century b.c. Phoenician coins at Corvo in the Azores. It has been reasonably supposed in some quarters that these coins were from a Phoenician trader wrecked on the island whilst on passage westwards, but how far west we cannot be sure.It has never been seriously doubted that the north-east coast of America was discovered and temporarily colonised by Vikings from Greenland during the latter part of the first century A.D. Certain archaeological finds have been held by some to support this view. An account of some early pioneering voyages has been given by Villiers (1956).These early voyages can hardly have been consciously weather routed, though some knowledge of the prevailing wind conditions may well have been acquired. Perhaps it was as late as the end of the fifteenth century that the first known weather-routed voyage was made. Henry the Navigator (Prince Henry of Portugal) was intent on finding a way round the Cape into the Indian Ocean in order to oust the Venetians and Arabs from their lucrative trading in that area. He fitted out expedition after expedition, but they all turned back as they hugged the African coast and were caught in the doldrums. Eventually they learned to stand well out to sea and so get the benefit of the N.E. trades and in 1434 they reached the equator. However, it was another half-century before the Cape was reached and this could conceivably be regarded as the first weather-routed voyage.


Humanities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Margaret Franklin

Recent scholarship addressing access to Homer’s epics during the Italian Renaissance has illuminated the unique importance of visual narratives for the dissemination and interpretation of material associated with the Trojan War and its heroes. This article looks at early fifteenth-century images deriving from the Odyssey that were painted for marriage chests (cassoni) in the popular Florentine workshop of Apollonio di Giovanni. Focusing on Apollonio’s subnarrative of Odysseus’ clash with the Cyclops Polyphemus (the Cyclopeia), I argue that Apollonio showcased this archetypal tale of a failed guest–host relationship to explore contemporary anxieties associated with marriage, an institution that figured prominently in the political and economic ambitions of fifteenth-century patriarchal families.


2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Baron

This article is divided into four sections. In the first, Fr. Arkadiusz Baron describes shortly the reception of Chrysostom’s writings in the ancient world in the East and in the West. It is surprising that the “Golden Mouth” and his homilies have triggered so many difficulties from the very beginning until the present. In the past, in the East, a growing conflict with the Severian of Gabbala and other bishops became the main obstacle to the reception of Chrysostom’s preaching. In 403, at the so-called council at the oak, Chrysostom was condemned and exiled. One of many false accusations charged him with being too merciful toward sinners who were recidivists.In the West, Anian of Celedo, Pelagius’ friend, translated Chrysostom’s homilies (especially on Matthew) into Latin. Pelagianism was condemned and Chrysostom was suspected to be semi-Pelagian. The oldest and most integral Latin version of Chrysostom’s homilies on record date back from the twelfth century. In the fifteenth century pope Nicholaus V asked for a new translation.Similarly in Poland, Chrysostom was not too lucky. In Polish, only about 15 per cent of his homilies are available. Among the translators are J. Wujek, A. Załęski and J. Krystyniacki from the eighteenth century, and T. Sinko, W. Kania, A. Baron and J. Iluk from the twentieth century. Some of them are historians and philologists, but not theologians. This is a problem of the existing Polish translations: we need a good theological, biblical and homiletical elaboration of Chrysostom’s homilies.Homilies on Matthew were preached in 390 in Antioch when Chrysostom was already well-known. Chrysostom’s homilies are the first and one of the best ancient commentaries to this Gospel. He is the only man who in the first millennium of Christianity explained the Acts of the Apostles, and he is the only one in Christianity to do this in the form of homilies.The centre of the Jesus’ Gospel according to Chrysostom is the person of Jesus. The prime purpose of Matthew’s Gospel is to reveal the unconditional love of God for each human being. Homilies on Matthew are completely apolitical. Chrysostom never even mentions governors or political situations. Similarly, he does not speak about ecclesiastical canons of councils of Antioch from the fourth century. He is only interested in how to explain the best way to all the listeners the Good News that Jesus has brought on earth.At the end, Fr. Baron gives some examples of Chrysostom’s exegesis: Mt 12: 33-37; 10: 32; 28: 1-3 and Homily on Matthew 85, 3-4.


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